Nepal should adopt a multi-alignment policy

Written By: Gopal Khanal

Source: 

 www.theannapurnaexpress.com 

Date: July 4, 2023

While engaging in discourses on the foreign policy of Nepal in formal and informal forums, some new thoughts and somewhat ‘innovative’ ideas have emerged, influenced by the changing dynamics of global power politics.

In a thought-provoking lecture titled ‘Safeguarding Nepal’s National Interest: Foreign Policy Choices in the Changing International Environment,’ under the Yadu Nath Khanal lecture series organized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Former Foreign Secretary Madhu Raman Acharya on June 25 shared an interesting perspective. He recommended that Nepal should adopt a policy of ‘multi-alignment’ instead of strictly adhering to the traditional ‘non-alignment’ stance.

Acknowledging the shifting dynamics of international politics, Acharya believes that Nepal can better safeguard its national interests by adopting a more flexible and pragmatic approach toward international relations. While internalizing the sensitivities of geo-strategic location, I have presented my perspective in this write-up in a way backing-up this thought of a seasoned diplomat and author of many books, including a famous one ‘’Nepal Worldview’’.

Let us define non-alignment and multi-alignment first.

Non-alignment is a policy stance where a country chooses not to align itself with any major power bloc or alliance. Non-aligned countries aim to maintain their independence, sovereignty, and neutrality by avoiding formal military alliances or entanglements in conflicts between major powers. Non-alignment was a policy of the Cold War era when non-aligned countries refrained from aligning themselves with the West-led NATO or the East-led Warsaw Pact. The dynamics of international relations have evolved since the Cold War, and the term ‘non-aligned’ may not have the same significance today as it did back then. Nepal is a non-aligned state that has protected its national sovereignty and territorial integrity in major geopolitical turbulences over the decades. 

Multi-alignment is a policy approach in which a country actively seeks to engage and maintain relations with multiple powers or regional blocs. Unlike non-alignment, multi-alignment does not imply complete neutrality or a lack of formal alliances. Instead, it emphasizes diversifying diplomatic, economic, and security ties with various countries or groups to safeguard national interests and increase strategic flexibility. By engaging with multiple actors, a multi-aligned country aims to leverage its relationships to maximize benefits, access resources, and pursue its goals effectively. This approach allows countries to navigate complex geopolitical environments and adapt to shifting power dynamics. Multi-alignment is new for Nepal, unlike its southern neighbor India, which has adopted it by terming it as a ‘multi-engagement’ policy. 

Should Nepal follow a multi-aligned policy then or just remain multi-engaged?

Nepal has adhered to a non-aligned stance since the 1950s, primarily as a means to maintain its independence, sovereignty, and neutrality during the Cold War. During that period, many countries, particularly smaller nations, chose to remain neutral as a survival strategy and to avoid being drawn into the conflicts between the United States and the Soviet Union. Nepal’s adoption of non-alignment allowed it to assert its own interests and avoid alignment with either of the power blocs.

But the situation has changed since then. On the one hand, the Cold War is over, while on the other, there have been errors and blunders in the implementation of non-alignment. Despite deviations from the core principles of non-alignment in some cases, the fundamental principle of maintaining independence, sovereignty, and neutrality has so far remained the guiding force.

Given the economic significance and influence of China and India in the region, Nepal must continue to engage with both countries to benefit from economic partnerships, trade opportunities, and infrastructure development. At the same time, maintaining relations with other countries, including the United States and other western powers, can bring additional benefits in terms of investment, and development assistance.

A multi-aligned policy approach can offer Nepal strategic flexibility and the ability to navigate its complex geopolitical environment effectively. By engaging with multiple powers, Nepal can leverage its relationships to advance its national interests, access resources, and enhance its development prospects. This is no time to be a mere spectator of developments in our periphery and be submissive to any hegemon. It doesn’t mean that Nepal should immediately embrace the multi-aligned policy; at least we should start contemplating the pros and cons of multi-alignment. Unlike regional powers China and India, which have strategic goals to achieve globally, Nepal has to focus on its strength in the development process.     

It is important for Nepal to carefully assess its national priorities and conduct a comprehensive analysis of the potential benefits and risks associated with a multi-aligned approach. This includes considering the potential impact on its relationships with neighboring countries, managing any potential conflict of interest, and ensuring the protection of Nepal’s sovereignty and independence.

It is important to note that multi-alignment does not necessitate membership in specific security-related alliances such as the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) of the US or the Global Security Initiative (GSI) of China. A multi-aligned state can out-rightly refuse to become a member of initiatives focused on security and military cooperation.

However, Nepal has engaged or can still engage with specific programs or initiatives that are not security-related. For example, participation in the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) of the US, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China and the Act East Policy (AEP) of India can offer opportunities for economic cooperation, infrastructure development, and regional connectivity without compromising Nepal’s national interest. When engaging with these programs, Nepal should carefully evaluate any conditions or terms attached to them and assess their implications for national interests and sovereignty. Understanding the geography and geopolitics of the region is crucial for Nepal to navigate new policy orientations.  

Nepal should forge partnerships and collaborations with various nations and global actors, regardless of their ideological or political orientations. Rather than being biased toward any specific country, government or ideology, multi-alignment allows Nepal to engage with diverse actors and explore different ideas, which can contribute to the formulation of a unique Nepali perspective on development.

For peace, progress and prosperity of Nepal and the Nepalis, the Nepali state should recognize the importance of engaging with different powers and seeking their support in national endeavors.

Nepal politics - In context of Madhesi Movement

Hi, I have got stunned after reading this article and the fact that how true it is. Where the actual roots of politics are. If not all but this article published in Himal Khabar by Ramesh Koirala is a fact to very extent.

I got so impressed with the article that I could not resist to publish in by blog.

MUST MUST MUST READ - For All Nepali

मधेश अान्दाेलनः सुषुप्त घुर (translated in English)

By: Ramesh Koirala

The Madhes movement, which has been demanding the end of the movement while thinking of the country, has sometimes become chaotic, indecent and sometimes decent, but now it has shrunk to a point with trust in God. This movement, which is simmering like a burning fire in the courtyards of the Terai with the cold wave, needs only a little straw to shine again.

There is no shortage of people throwing straw and waving their hands in the blazing fire. It has been deliberately forgotten that the support or opposition of the Madhesi movement is not the support or opposition of the entire Madhesi community and unnaturally 'Birgunj' and 'Kathmandu' have been set up.

The violent insurgency of the Maoists and the rise of national and international non-governmental organizations after 2046 BS intensified ethnic polarization in Nepal. Due to the Janajati-Madhesi alliance, Kathmandu was forced to modify the old components of the state.

In order to assimilate the same changes, it is necessary to form a Constituent Assembly and write a progressive constitution, but by boycotting the new constitution, the country's Mid-Tarai, i.e. State-2, is now agitating for rights.

Apart from Madhesis and Pahadis, all parties, civic leaders, tribes and neighbors are directly and indirectly involved in the ongoing Madhesi movement. This article focuses on who is baking what kind of bread in the rap of the movement.

In view of the fact that the interests of the big parties in power are focused on entering Singha Durbar or defending their seats, their discussion may not be justified. Similarly, those who are hiding in the crowd of civic leaders who have come as a 'product' of democracy, without seeing anything but discrimination, continue to wreak havoc here and there. Any further comment on those who do nothing but protest for the sake of protest will be in vain.

Dormant Ghur Without a single weighty and rational demand, the neighbors have been able to bake the bread of their choice in Ghur, which has been burning for four months in Madhes.

Representation of Madhes

Looking at the ethnic identities of Madhesi engineers in print, TV and social media, most of them look like upper castes. There are about one and a half million Madhesi Brahmins, about 40,000 Kayasthas and a few less Rajputs in State-2 with an average population of 5 million, who are aware of the growing ethnic polarization.

Knowing that the old-fashioned proverbs and sayings do not carry today's mentality at all, the proverb used by the Newar community in Kathmandu to say 'they despise us' in the current Madhes movement has been raised against the hill khas.

It is not difficult to understand that the real interest of the 'elite' Madhesis at the top of the movement is in reservation. Their special interest is in the 'clusters' specially provided for in the new constitution.

There were a total of eight clusters in Article 13 of the Interim Constitution, Part-3 (Fundamental Rights) and Article 3 of the Right to Equality, in which only their interests - Madhesi, Dalit, Adivasi Janajati and Backward Classes. Article 18 (sub-article 3) of Part-3 (Fundamental Rights and Duties) of the new constitution has 21 'clusters' in conflict with their interests.

Whether to say 'why more', 'looked bad' or 'discriminated', the distinct identity of the 'Madhesi' cluster in the past will include the Dalit, Adivasi, Adivasi Janajati, Madhesi, Tharu, Minority, Marginalized, Muslim, Backward Classes. The main reason seems to be the decay in hackam.

Dalits, Muslims, Tharus and backward classes must have taken 15 percent reservation and the possibility of shrinking to 7 percent must have been causing unbearable pain to the Madhesi elites who are currently living in 22 percent.

This is the result of the tendency of counting army majors and chief district officers (CDOs) every time, regardless of the fact that the highest percentage of doctors, engineers and others have entered the technical service, leaving Newars behind on the basis of caste.

However, in order to ensure 'proportionality', the inner interest is to reduce the 'cluster'. After the agitation started for this, the Madhesi elite engineers reached Geneva and declared it 'peaceful'.

Apart from the Madhesi 'highs', there are also political factions in the movement. The Rajput-created Sadbhavana Party is engrossed in changing its cloak, while the Brahmin-Kayastha-dominated Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (TAMLOP) is in the process of building a mass base.

As the Nepali population is not suitable for that, the issue of adopted rights has been raised by considering the marriage of 'Waripari' in every household.

The Federal Socialist Forum, which sees itself as a major player in tomorrow's ethnic polarization, seems to be trying to downplay the Brahmin-Kayastha leadership by saying that the adopted 'agenda' is not its own.

Despite the deep interest of the Indian establishment, the current Madhes movement did not demand a 'Hindu state'. Because those who make this demand lose the base of the largest Muslim community in Madhes. There is a similar contradiction in the question of maximum representation.

Province No. 2, which has a total of 33 seats in the Legislature-Parliament on the basis of population and geography or population as a whole, has surprisingly forgotten about proportional representation. The new constitution provides for the election of 110 proportional members from across the country, but not a single member from any state can be selected from the boycott list.

As this provision is flawed in terms of provincial representation, it may be in the interest of Province 2 to take advantage of the rich 'aspirants' of other provinces to make it compulsory to elect a representative from each province according to the proportional votes received in each province. Have not made demands.

Disputed over population and geography, they are surprisingly silent on the provision that not a single one of the 22 seats will be up for proportional representation.

Tribal alliance

With the sudden unification of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Nepal and the Federal Socialist Party, it was said that the party would now be a national party, but within a few months, Ashok Rai's face was no longer visible.

Who was this unnatural alliance for? Are the demands of Madhes related to Janajati? What is the benefit to the Janajatis in raising Madhes movement? In accordance with the Madhesi demand that constituencies should be determined on the basis of total population, the total population divided by 165 will be considered as the required population of a constituency.

Accordingly, 18 hilly and mountainous districts will not get direct representation. It is conceivable that in the last Constituent Assembly election, 37 percent of the representatives elected from those 18 districts are from the Janajati community.

In the first three candidates to get maximum votes in that election, 51.5 percent are Janajatis. Janajatis were elected from four of the seven districts with a population of less than one lakh. It is not easy to understand that the hill tribes deliberately do not have their own representation on the basis of 'full population' and support the Madhes movement.

This Madhes movement is also against the rights of the tribals in the Terai. Why aren't there more Tharus, Rajbanshis or Satars in the Terai than Jha, Mishra or Yadavs in the political-administrative structure of Kathmandu?

After the constitution created a separate 'cluster' and stopped the 'Madhesi' movement in their reservation, it seems that these tribes are not interested in this movement. However, a few days ago, news came that the former Limbuwan engineers supported the Madhes movement.

Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari are in demand for Limbuwan. Those districts are also in the 'bottom line' of the Madhes movement. How can there be two different streams of domination in the same area without deception or secret transactions?

Federalism is accepted for the proportional development of every sector of the country. If there are one or two states in the entire densely populated Terai, more than half of the representatives will come to the Central House from those states. There is no doubt that development will be fully focused in the states with high representation.

In that case, the tribal-dominated states will again be discriminated against. Therefore, all the states have been given equal representation so that the composition of the Rajya Sabha does not change.

Local hill

Photos of the procession taken by the hill communities of State-2 in support of the Madhes movement keep coming in print. One has to look at Rolpa before and after the armed conflict to understand why the Madhesi community came to support the 'movement to stop donations from the hills for the benefit of the Madhesi community'.

In the second Constituent Assembly election in Rolpa, where no one thought that there were any non-Maoists during the conflict, the Maoists got only 25,000 votes out of an average of 60,000. Wherever you live, there must be a rule of law to say that what the majority has done is wrong.

Today, everyone knows who is ruling in Madhes. In the proposed state-2, the population of Pahadia is about 12 percent. Even if there is any alliance with the Tharus, their number does not exceed 18 percent.

If the border of this state reaches to Jhapa, then everyone knows that the hill population exceeds one-fourth of the state. The hill communities of State-2 may have taken the issue of demarcation as an issue to relieve the suffering of the 'minorities' in supporting the Madhes movement on the issue of demarcation as the power of 45 percent of the population is likely to upset the politics of the entire state.

Two neighbors

China, which has become the world's largest economy, has three major interests in Nepal: "No Indian interference in Nepal's northern border, let Nepal adhere to the 'One China' policy and expand its market in Nepal.

For this, he has no interest in Nepal's constitution or federalism. However, he is concerned that his interests will not be shaken in the current fluid situation in Nepal. It is because of this concern that his activism I like it.

India, which has invested billions in Nepal's mainstream political parties and bureaucracy over the years, does not need to be swayed by the Bagrelti Madhesi parties, which are showing signs of weakening due to ethnic polarization. Moreover, there is no possibility of a reduction in the number of advocates for his interests in Kathmandu.

Yes, he does not want to see anyone standing against his own interests and for the time being he is showing the Madhesis a sigh of relief. This is evident from the efforts being made to 'reasonably' manage the growing 'common man' political trend among Nepali urban youth.

India is trying its best to make the dream of becoming a 'super power' of the world a reality. During the Cold War, he also saw China as a rising power ahead of the United States and the Soviet Union. He also formed a third alliance, the Organization of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), advancing the principle of Panchsheel in the Soviet Union to prevent American domination of underdeveloped nations.

In the long run, he abandoned the practice, saying that his own sphere of influence would not expand even if such "hungry" groups stopped dominating others, and took a second path from the Nehru-era policy during the reign of his daughter Indira Gandhi - neighbors first.

Under this policy, India has increased its dominance in neighboring countries. Not to mention Bhutan, even in the Maldives, he is able to send troops, form a government, overthrow, imprison the unwilling, whatever. The 'enemy' has not stopped trying to do what it wants even in Pakistan.

He described the then president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, as approaching Beijing and allowing a Chinese warship to enter a Sri Lankan port. In the immediate aftermath of the election, not only did all the opposition parties form an alliance against the Rajapaksa's United People's Freedom Alliance, but also the friendly Sirisena of the Rajapaksa's cabinet.

Sirisena's abandonment of the party after eating vegetables and sweet bread at night surprised Rajapaksa as much as the departure of Mahanta Thakur made Girija Prasad Koirala. Surprisingly, the United National Front for Good Governance, a coalition of Tamils ​​and Muslims from right-wing Sinhalese, nominated Sirisena, who had been defense minister in the last two weeks of the Tamil war in the Rajapaksa government, as its presidential candidate.

Rajapaksa was defeated by the same Sirisena and was punished for making fun of India. In Bangladesh, meanwhile, Sheikh Hasina's Awami League is running for a second term in a nearly one-party election made possible by India's support.

In this way, India is not going to touch Muslim-majority Bangladesh. Nepal seems to be on its knees to India, which is also expanding its dominance towards Burma and Afghanistan.

Indian investment

In today's geopolitical environment, India does not want electricity, water, Terai, Chure and Himal from Nepal. Growing up in a colonial feudal culture, India is well aware that its neighbor will bow down as long as it is impoverished.

India wants to keep this 'adbange' neighbor in its 'grip' in the same way. He has adopted two measures in this regard: First, not to allow the implementation of projects that can strengthen Nepal.

For that, he sometimes uses the extra-nationalism within Nepal and sometimes his grip on the World Bank. Like East Asia's 'Look East' policy, Nepal has not been able to make economic progress by expanding relations with the 'Look North' policy, not because of the inability to take electricity to the North, but because of Indian investment in our government machinery.

India has resorted to a second way to exploit Nepal's instability, which, as suspected, is not its goal. Fragmentation may give India a small geography, but it will not make the mistake of introducing the 'dragon' movement into a larger geography. This is confirmed by the fact that he has not given air to separatist thinking till now.

All he needs in Nepal is political instability. For that, sometimes the king, sometimes the parties, sometimes the extreme leftists, sometimes the extreme rightists, sometimes the racists and sometimes the regionalists keep on pushing and shoving. It is a matter of regret for us and a matter of pride for India - he is still succeeding on both fronts.

When we arrived to suspect that Nepal was not a laboratory in Delhi, he was running a 'factory' here with Makkha and extracting 'goods' to suit himself. The behavior is giving a hint - the new 'goods' that have come in the market nowadays are also the product of this factory, and yes our 'status' today.

This pus doesn't seem to be the same. In the midst of the severe cold wave, various kinds of bread will be baked in Madhesi Ghur. The difference will be that some of the bread will be fully baked while most of it will be half-baked and raw. Harmony: Don't shake anyone's hand. "can be felt to have increased. And, with years of Indian investment, China, unable to reassure the Nepalese government that it has become pro-Delhi, wants to create a status quo like India under the mountains.

But unfortunately, the mountain is very high and steep. Decades have passed since Beijing sought a reliable friend in Kathmandu. He sometimes approaches some left-wing party to see if it will be okay, sometimes he turns to the other side, but he is not finding the desired 'virgin' party.

Today, his status in Nepal is like that of a customer who is forced to choose a golbhenda in the ras chosen by the South. What does southern neighbor India want in Nepal - water, youth, bread or daughter? No matter how much it has always claimed to be an independent nation, the fact that Nepal has lived in Khatanpatna in the south since the time of the British is no longer indigestible.

From the election of the king's private secretary in 2007 to the presence of the Indian ambassador in the Council of Ministers, our status has been understood. In Delhi, there are many 'issues' that need to be 'interfered' in Nepal's daily operations.

In that case, we need people to take care of our own interests, in Kathmandu. That is why India wants the 'structural guarantee', some experts say. This is the reason why India is said to have participated in the Madhes movement from the very beginning, but when you think a little deeper, it is argued that India considers Madhes as its own and is trying to make a 'structural guarantee' through Madhesi leaders. 

Source:  http://www.himalkhabar.com/118728

 

Magar vs Madhesis and Nepal Politics

Currently, Madhes is the hot topic in Nepal among news channel, news paper, social media, bureaucrats, politicians, journalists.

Madhesis basic demands are more area, more constituencies and citizenship. And they are in protest since last 80 days and still there is no sign of calling off anytime soon.

Twitter is full of tweet with Madhes #Indiablockadesnepal #ModiHimalayanBlunder #ModiFailedInNepal and so on. So I got my inspiration from twitter to write this.

According to me protest is fine till certain limit until its turn into a violence or more worse thing than that. Here, I want to clear in beginning itself that what police is doing or done with the protesters, I am totally against it. Its the duty of the police to ensure the safety of every citizen of Nepal.

As everyone agrees, Tikapur incident is the turning point of what going on right now. Now I think Tharus are pretty  much settled right now - as I can see from top at least. Its important to mention here that Madhesi leaders too have try to use them at one point. But now I guess Tharus have distanced themselves from Madhesis protest.

 Now, left Madhesis. As per me constitution of Nepal has already addressed their one of the demand ie. separate Madhesi state and it got 8 districts in it. Tharus don't want to mix with them and other 3 eastern districts Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari too don't want to be included with them.

Second citizenship, I can't see any flaws in it. It obvious that any Nation will give priority to their First hand Citizen and not Second hand. But those who are protesting I guess are all Nepali and Nepal is their motherland so they don't have to worry. Its only to make sure that the countries highest ranks should be handled by the Nepali by birth. Any sensible nation will follow the same rule. I think instead we should be proud of it.

Third, constituency by population. Here, I completely agree with you that its high time constituencies must be marked based on population. That has been followed everywhere.

Now, lets come to the topic. I here assume that may be Madhesis are not happy with the Constitution of Nepal but I am equally sure that the same people don't want violence or war happening except few. Actually, only these few people are the responsible for making the current situation worse. History is there to learn. Look at the recent example Maoist. I won't be wrong if I say Maoist was successful mainly because of Magars. But now after 10 years of long war where we are. Neither there is any change in country's social system or economy nor in any Magar's life. May be 0.01% Magar population has benefited from it, that too who r managed to become leaders now, and top of that nobody is doing and going to do anything for Magars. We are still at the same stage where we were before war. We might have been in better condition because of our own hardwork and not because of so called People's War.

So, here there I want to humble request all my fellow Nepalis who call them Madhesis to understand it. We must be fighting against our rights but make sure that your sentiments should not be misused by few selfish leaders.

And the main question is why there are demands. The answer is for equality and for development of your society. But, what I feel in today's World there are numbers of ways to achieve the same goal if at all those demands are not met.

Ok protest is fine, but I think right now we should stop it right now because its getting mis-used. And its dangerous for our Nation.

Now, first thing we require is Equality, Equality comes from Development and Development comes from peace. Yes, I agree that Nepal politics is guided by so called high caste elites. But I think its not the case in today's World. In today's World anyone can become anything and anyone can rule but you should have the capabality not your caste. Yes, your caste may give certain advantage but till when. Do anyone know who are the granchildrens of Moghuls who ruled on India or for that matter after 50 more years we may not even know about the grandchildrens of Shahs.

Things have already change we just need to change our attutide and our perception.

I can keep on writing. But, I think you guys should be proud that Nepal's first President and Vice-President is Madhesi.

    Jai Nepal.

           

Why Rukum was the centre of Maoist Insurgency

Cannabis, Christianity and headquarters: Three reasons why the Maoists started an armed war

By Salokya, on February 13th, 2015

Maoist-army-training-02 19 years ago today, the Maoists started an armed war by attacking police posts in Rolpa, Sindhuli and Gorkha. After the Maoists spread across the country faster than expected after 2052, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) hired Robert Gersoni as a consultant to conduct a study to find out its root cause. A report published in 2003 entitled 'Sowing the Wind: History and Dynamics of the Maoist Revolt in Nepal's Rapti Hills' outlines various reasons for the outbreak of the Maoist People's War. Three of them are: cannabis ban, change of headquarters and Christian activities

1) Cannabis ban

Rolpa and Rukum were prosperous districts in the western hills 40 years ago. With the money earned from the quality of cannabis produced from these places, they used to buy salt, oil, clothes, necklaces with silver coins, and gold jewelry. Cannabis was also grown in the forests of northern Rukum, northern Rolpa and parts of eastern Salyan and Surkhet. Marijuana was not illegal at that time. Marijuana was the main source of income for the people there. But in 1976, the government enacted the Narcotics Act, banning the production, sale, and distribution of marijuana. Police also enforced the ban. Ordinary farmers who went to the Indian border to exchange cannabis for salt or oil were also caught. Fields planted with marijuana were turned into forest lands.

The ban on marijuana was imposed on the residents of the area by the Kathmandu government, which had a direct impact on their lives. In the years following the ban on marijuana (1976 to 1980), they slipped into a cycle of poverty. In order to survive, they had to share food with their neighbors. Women had to pledge their jewelry. And, to support the family, the boys had to leave the village to find work. They felt that the government had snatched cannabis from the mouths of their children by banning it.

Local leaders petitioned the court, saying neither the government nor the poor had to provide some relief or alternative development. But there was no hearing. King Virendra came to Taksera by helicopter in 1983 and 1988 and declared the place a priority for national development. But only on paper.

The cannabis ban had left a bitter impression on the people against the government. The areas where the Maoists initially spread are among the places where cannabis is widely grown.

2) Headquarters change

East Rukum was connected to Baglung district before the 1970s, with its headquarters 75 to 90 kilometers away. Leaders of East Rukum have been emphasizing the need to link their region with Rukum district. Rukumkot, the district headquarters of Rukum, was close by. The people here treated them better than the people of Baglung and West Rukum. If the administrative work was done from Rukumkot, it would have been easier for them. In the early 70's, the court decided to merge the present districts of eastern Rukum into Rukum districts. Their headquarters was in Rukumkot.

But the Magars of East Rukum did not get to celebrate this joy much. Kumar Khadga Bikram Shah, who was married to Princess Sharda, was replaced by Musikot and Dhruv Bikram Shah, who had good relations with King Mahendra, and his son General Vivek Shah's village Baflikot. And, the headquarters was shifted from Rukumkot to Musikot. After this information was published in the Gazette in April 1973, Zonal Magistrate Laxmi Raj Bhakta ordered to move the government furniture and files from Rukumkot to the new headquarters. Police went with the residents of Musikot and moved the goods. There was a small clash.

The people of East Rukum were outraged. The youths there are going from house to house to return our future to the district headquarters Rukumkot, so they issued an order that at least one person from each house should be present for the protest.

On April 13, 1973, more than 10,000 protesters marched on Musikot. They had 60 guns and 50 khukuri. How much is the stick? A curfew was imposed in Musikot. But the crowd ignored him. Sub-inspector Nara Bahadur Khadka fired in the air, but the crowd did not. Police and locals opened fire. A 23-year-old resident of Rukumkot was killed on the spot. A Magar woman was injured. He later died. One sannyasi man and another field man were injured. The crowd dispersed after police and Musikot residents pelted stones at a high hill.

The government has issued arrest warrants for nine of the protesters. On the first anniversary of this incident, the youths of Rukumkot posted anti-monarchy pamphlets. Warrants were also issued against them. The government could not arrest anyone. They either went underground or fled to India, where they met Communist Party cadres. The fourth general convention of the Communist Party in 1974 also addressed the movement for the headquarters of Rukum.

Even after the start of the Maoist armed war, the Maoists remained dominant in the eastern Rukum and the anti-Maoists in the western Rukum.

3) Christian activity

One of the centers of East Rukum was Taksera. In the year 2025 BS, with the permission of the Government of Nepal, the Summer Institute of Linguistics (CIL) established Nepal through Tribhuvan University.

An agreement was signed to classify the languages ​​and speakers of the language. Despite the language cover, it was a missionary organization that translated the Bible into indigenous languages. Silka Project Director Dr. David Waters reached Taksera and other VDCs of East Rukum through Jomsom of Mustang. Not only did he study the Kham Magar language there, he and his family built a house there.

Dr. Waters translated the Bible into Kham. Meanwhile, the agreement with the government expired and the Waters family left Taksera. Even after he left the village, some Kham Magar-speaking locals lit candles and sang verses from the Bible translated by him every evening. According to the report, four years later, a few hundred locals had converted to Christianity, a small percentage of the total population of Taksera.

The news reached Musikot (formerly Rukumkot), the new district headquarters. Conversion was illegal in the only Hindu kingdom in the world. The Chief District Officer sent police to investigate after receiving information that conversion was widespread among the Magars of East Rukum.

Local Christian leaders were ordered arrested. Nine men confessed to converting to Christianity and were sentenced to one year in prison. He was acquitted of forcing others to convert. Even then, many Christians were persecuted and arrested. Even non-Christians in East Rukum were outraged.

According to the report, one of the nine Christian leaders in prison secretly composed Christian songs in Kham language and secretly sent Taksera, which attracted more locals to Christianity. It said one of the nine arrested Christian leaders was a Maoist.

Around 1939, Christians living abroad began collecting donations for their families after receiving information about the prisoners in Taksera Prison. So much money was raised that Christians decided to use the money not only for their families but also for the region's first economic development plan. After a long discussion and study in the village, they decided to buy a river-powered mill in Switzerland and a small mill.

This community's first economic development project worked well. The mill served both Christian and non-Christian communities. The house was two storeys high. Upstairs was the church meeting hall.

In the year 2040 BS, a regional officer wrote a letter to the people of Taksera to close the mill. The village chief refused to stop writing a letter. Government officials warned that the mill would be demolished if it was not shut down. Those who became Christians illegally were accused of undermining the king's role by initiating such a project on their own initiative. After receiving warnings of demolition, the Christians did not want to take any more risks and closed the mill.

But non-Christians insisted it should not be stopped. As coming to the mill to close the mill village, the police village, according to the report,, the non-Christian, started ambush. They snatched their weapons, stripped them of their clothes, pulled out their mustache hair and tied a rope around their necks and dragged them around the village.

Source:  http://www.mysansar.com/2015/02/16718/

We want Constitution

" Separate govt in Madhes if ruling parties  don’t correct course: Dahal

UCPN (Maoist) Pushpa Kamal Dahal said on Saturday that it is now the responsibility of the Madhesi people to decide the future of Nepal's course.  Dahal argued that the Madhesi people will have the right to form their own government in the plains if the ruling parties – Nepali Congress (NC) and UML – don’t roll back their seven-province model of federalism. MORE "

Source:http://setopati.net/politics/4067/Separate-govt-in-Madhes-if-ruling-parties-don%E2%80%99t-correct-course-:-Dahal/

What does Dahal wants to prove from this statement.

What the hell is he trying to do. Does he trying to unite the country or trying to divide and destroy it.

Now enough is enough!!!

I still remember When I have voted for the Maoist in first CA election hoping they will do something better for the country. Though I didn't get the chance to vote in second CA selection. But if I would have there I would have definitely not vote to Maoist.

Now, as the time is passing it seems that UCPN is more into destablizing and dividing the country then developing and uniting it.

Whatever the possible reason could be whether it is hunger for Power or influenced by bad forces, UCPN is becoming more and more unpopular among the people of Nepal.

First it was Mohan Baidya who by his smartness and (fake) patriotism try to destablize the nation, now I think the same task is taken by PKD.

This kind of speech or thought will only help in dividing the country. I request all the Maoist esp. PKD not to divide the country on ethinicity. It will be one of the biggest disaster. Why can't they understand such a simple logic. In fact I would say that there is no need to restructure our nation.

We just want PEACE and CONSTITUTION in Nepal.

Rest everything will happen by itself.

Though my blog is for Magar but first I am a Nepali. Nepal means everything to me and I hope that  this thing will be agreed by all the Nepalis irrespective of their caste and religion.

I personally appeal to the people of Nepal if this Leaders can't make the country lets don't them break.

Those who try to do it whether its PKD, MB or any other leader we should beat them like a dog with slippers and make them realize their true color.

This time I want the constitution. Its Now or Never.

Jai Nepal.

The truth of Nepali puppet politicians.

In context of today's political situation in Nepal, its very hard to find a Nepali who has not concerned with the politics. So, I  as Nepali has my own set of perception on it. Yes, I am a Magar but before that I am a Nepali and Nepal is my country which gives me my identity.

One thing which I want to share, is that we should not go for ethnic based federalism. To be honest I am against the federalism itself. I am sure present political drawing of Nepal does no harm to anyone, its a shear waste of time for political leaders to have discussion into it. Nepal as one of the poorest country in the world, who has no funds for its development, how will it bear the expense of all the mini parliaments and the stomach of all the starving state level politicians.

Though, I myself is not a PhD holder, but my experience says that again ethnic based federalism will only lead to disintegration. I have no doubt about the good motive of the politicians who support it, or may be their perspective of making good for ethnic people. But, in future I am sure it will lead to further chaos in the country, say why future, right now also Bahun & Chettri are staging protest to include themselves in indigenous list, and such kind of incident is going to increase in future. For development of country and people we just need right politicians with right attitude.      


Though its very hard to find the truth, what politicians really want and is who is honest or who is puppet. But whatever the truth is or wherever they want to take Nepal in future, one thing is sure for the moment that today's political situation in Nepal is not happening. Though if we don't want to believe that what we are reading about our politicians and all the bad rumours, the situations made us believe that may there is some piece of truth in all that. Otherwise, is fours years not enough time to draft a constitution for our country, I think no one will agree on this except the one who wants to make fool of himself.

 In all these today I have come across a beautiful article which I think he said what I have in mind hence want to include in my blog.

Please go through it. Its shows that first we are Nepali than Magar, Bahun and others.

"Nepal: Why Is The Oldest Country In South Asia So Helpless Today?

Politicians have deceived people of Nepal many times in the past and have now done so again. They are forced to confront the terrible reality that they the people are regarded as nothing more than simply voters. The Constituent Assembly (CA) was dismissed without promulgating a constitution in 27 May, and its failure was a massive setback for the country’s fledgling peace process. A huge opportunity for progressive change was lost, and now they are going through the worst political crisis since the country entered into the peace dialogue in 2006. The death of the CA spawned many rumours. Some blamed its death on foreign influence and domination and on the fact that some of their political leaders are nothing less than undercover agents for whom the wellbeing of their nation is not their sole interest. No country should suffer interference and meddling from foreign powers, but Nepal seems suddenly to be faced with just that. Some political leaders appear willing to sell themselves and the country to outsiders amid unprecedented levels of corruption, mismanagement and chaos.

Many of their political leaders are accused of being nothing more than agents of foreign powers. Rumours have it that some are pro-India, some pro-China, and some even pro-America. There are strong rumours that some are working for India’s intelligence Research and Analysis Wing. They must ask themselves some important questions: Are their leaders really guided by the interests of their own nation or are they just the puppets of outside powers? How independent are they today as a state and as a nation?

Why are they silent on these issues? Why do politicians always enjoy immunity? It is time for theirs leaders and the political parties to provide proper answers to the people.

I come straight to the point. Nationalism has justifiably an important influence in domestic politics and in determining relations between states. It provides a moral basis for the existence of states within the international system. Nationalist issues have provoked people of Nepal many times in the past, and today Nepalese nationalism is reflected in strong anti-Indian sentiments felt by their people. Many resent domination from the South in every aspect of their political development. New Delhi’s frequent interference in their internal political affairs is made to seem normal today because of the double standards of some of theirs political leaders. Critics argue that if those leaders had not relied on India for their own personal political advancement, Indian encroachments would not have been as severe as they have been. If such criticisms and rumours are true, people deserve explanations from those politicians.

There have been many worrying incidents in the past, but I wish to cite only a few recent examples here. Before the sad demise of their historic Constituent Assembly, it was alleged that a diplomat in the Consulate General of India’s office in the Tarai low land town of Birgunj, one of the major cities of Nepal, encouraged Madhesi politicians (Political Parties based in the Terai) to ‘create a storm’ in opposition to a recent pact on State restructuring. The diplomat urged the political leadership of the central Tarai to instigate a protest in support of the Madhesi people. Critics argue that the creation of Madhesi-based parties, the Madhesi movement and the Madhesi agenda are directly linked to India’s long-term strategic design for Nepal. Some of their major political parties showed concern and sought clarification from New Delhi, but mysteriously their protest, if any, was but superficial while the other parties remained conspicuously silent on the issue. Now all is silent and forgotten. The government of Nepal officially neither bothered to investigate the incident nor sought to identify who was responsible for the incident in Birgunj. Could it have been the Nepali Congress Party, the Maoists or the Madhesi leaders themselves? This recent incident is sufficiently serious to provide a very big question for them to think about today: are they really as free an independent sovereign state as they should be?

Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai himself has often been blamed for being Delhi’s keenest stooge ever. It is alleged that he was elevated to the Prime Ministerial chair with open support from India as part of that country’s ‘Guinea Pig Republican Experiment’ in Nepal. However, he has never sought to provide any justification or denial regarding this issue. Is it not time morally for him to offer some rational justification? Otherwise should his right to remain in the highest public position in their country not be questioned?

The greatest attack, however, on Nepal’s sovereignty comes from the frequent border encroachments by Indian forces. They hear time and again in the news that Indian armed police forces have terrorised Nepali people living in the border area. Without permission they enter their country with weapons and threaten their people. Every day they read that their people suffer from these kinds of atrocities, but they seem to do nothing about it. Why are the people of Nepal so helpless? What is government for? There are rumours every day that India does not respect the independent status of their country. It interferes excessively with their internal politics, which appear now to be guided by Delhi alone. Why is this happening? Why is the oldest independent country in South Asia so helpless today? Who is responsible, and why do they not look for proper solutions?

Promoting Autonomy

Their loss of self-esteem and self-respect may be due entirely to the ‘do as they are told’ culture adopted by their politicians. On any national issue of importance, it seems that they can no longer make decisions on their own. Their greatest failure may be due to the fact that some of their politicians are obsessed by the politics of the ‘chair’ on which they spend much of their valuable time. It seems that they may be too ready to compromise in order to hold on to power: they cease to work solely for the nation’s good. As they understand nothing except power why should they worry about the people and the nation?

No nation can survive as a foreign poodle. Protecting Nepal‘s right to autonomy will entail change and modernization within their democracy, strengthening thus the functioning of both state and society. Those ways alone will the nation be able to provide, for its citizens and their progeny, security and safety as well as status and prestige. At the same time there must be a strong commitment to respect, protect and fulfil individual rights within a free and fair society. It is vital that state policy is aligned to human rights in order to maintain its stability and self-control.

As they are seeking now to re-define and re-structure themselves politically, socially and economically on the way to making their society more inclusive and accountable, they have a golden opportunity to re-visit, re-analyse and re-assess their foreign policies and diplomatic relationships. They should seek to preserve the best of the past and abandon the worst. Experience shows that leaders and politicians talk and make vague promises but seldom react forcefully to what they see and even talk about. Their great need now is to find a united voice and a single policy on major issues that can unite their political parties and civil society alike.

National identity has been described as ‘fundamentally a matter of dignity’. It is revealed through the respect that they show to each other and by the way in which they behaves among themselves. Chanting sentimental, nationalistic slogans does little to promote and consolidate their values, their identity and their national pride. Nationality and birthplace naturally give rise to sentiments and emotions, but if the people of Nepal are really to enhance their nationalism and pride, they must become more pragmatic and more visionary.

The politics of compromise and the culture of ‘doing as they are told’ must cease in their country. They as voters as well must learn to be more responsible in the choices that they make. Bad politicians must not be given a chance to reach power, and those elected must reveal to the electors what goes on inside public affairs. Transparency and accountability are essential in politics. Politics should be about talking to and listening to people. Telling the truth earns respect, even when people disagree. It is time now for their politicians to offer rational explanations regarding these various issues so that they can establish a vital fresh beginning for clean and tidier politics in their country.
The quality of leadership is tested in difficult times, and no time is likely ever to be more difficult than the present. The choice is theirs. Nobody should underestimate the capacity of their people, but for their sakes politics must be synonymous with service in defence of the national interest. Theirs leaders must cease prostituting their services for personal gain.

By Dr. Gyan Basnet

Source:  http://www.eurasiareview.com/17062012-nepal-why-is-the-oldest-country-in-south-asia-so-helpless-today-oped/"