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Tuesday, November 9, 2021

Magar Religion & Beliefs

As the education prevail in Magar community, more and more educated Magar scholars have started searching for its history. In Nepal where history means ‘History of Kathmandu’, there is very little written documents related to area and people outside Kathmandu. Few books on Magars have been published since then.

 

As a Magar myself I too have the curiosity to know my ancestors & their history and legacy. During or post panchayat era many Magar scholars had actively doing research and searching for the documents related to Magar history. Around 90s in quest for establishing our own identity, few Magar scholars like ‘M S Thapa Magar’ said and written that Magars are actually Buddhist. For some reason many educated Magars of that time have found it interesting (and meaningful to certain extent) and they have urged others to embrace Buddhist rituals and to leave Hindu rituals. Many stopped visiting temples, they have stopped celebrating Dashain tika, they have even started Buddhist rituals in birth, marriage and death. One of the reasons of this shift could be to establish ourselves out of Hindu caste system, where Magars are place below Brahmins & Chettris.

 

However, when I myself have started looking for the Magar history, I could not fully accept the theory that Magars were originally Buddhist. After so many years of reading and research I have come to the conclusion that this theory is wrong.

 

As I have mentioned in my earlier blog “Origin of Magars of Nepal”, Magars might have started migrating to Himalayas during 1500-2000 BC. DNA test has proved that Magars & Gurungs belong to the same family tree or group, similarly Rai, Limbu, Sherpa and Tamangs belong to same group. Even Chepangs are very close to Magars. The reason I have mentioned that Magar, Gurung, Chepangs belongs to same group is to show that Magar-Gurung-Chepangs have common ancestors. We got diversified in the course of time. I can even say that Tharu with Mongolian look are actually from Magar group, though I am not sure about Newars. Mongolian look Newar has to be from Rai-Limbu Family because of they are very much inclined toward Buddhism and their fairer skin compared to Magar-Gurung Family.  

         

And not to forget Thakali, Bhujels who also belonged to Magar-Gurung Family. So these groups todays Magars, Gurungs, Chepangs, Thakali, Bhujels, Tharu (Mongolian look), Mangars (Sikkim) either they diversified after they come to Nepal or at least they had a common family back in Tibet.

 

Today Magar community practice religions like Hinduism, Buddhism & Christianity. But is it all? But didn’t we forget about Shamanism, Animism & what about worshipping nature & ancestors? Now the question comes which religion is the religion of Magars. Here the main contenders (as per Magars scholars) are Hinduism and Buddhism, definitely not Chritainity because it’s a recent arrival in Nepal. But here I disagree with them. In this case I absolutely like the article and thoughts of ‘Jagman Gurung’. Even before Hinduism and Buddhism, we Magars were practicing Shamanism (for healing & other problems), worshipping our ancestors and worshipping the nature (mountains, river, earth, sun, moon, stars, well, air, fire etc). The fact is not only true for Magars but it si also true that it is the oldest religion of all the tribes all across the world, which need no proof. Hinduism and Buddhism came much later. In this case those who live near Indian border like Palpa, Gulmi, Syangja got more influenced by Hindu rituals, similarly those staying near Tibetan border like Dunnai, Dolpa, Mustang got influenced by Buddhist rituals. However, in middle there are many pockets/Magars which still follow the ancient rituals and not touch by either Hinduism or Buddhism. Kham Magars from Rukum & Rolpa are the perfect example of it. Recently I have seen in the youtube video that in Sikkim worshipping ancestors is still the biggest festivals of the Magars. It is called Barahi Festival. So, to present the theory that Magars are originally Buddhist is totally wrong.

 

It not only passing the wrong information to the Magars but it also alienating itself which is our own. For example, as written by Dr. Jagman Gurung in a recent article that Dashain is actually the festivals of Janjati specially Magars. One thing we need to understand that except the Sanskrit Vedas & Mantras everything else even the rituals are co-developed with influence of locals specially Magars and in this case Khas tribe. So, in short, the Hinduism we are practicing in Nepal right now is mixture of Vedic rituals, plus Magar culture & to certain extent Khas culture. So, disowning Hinduism completely is actually disowning our own culture. Why do you think all the major & famous Shakit Pithas/Devisthan have Magar Pujari? Do you think Rodhi, Sorathi, Kauda, Bhailo, Deusi, Maruni is brought by Hindu Brahmins. We still worship nature, many gods even don’t have names, we don’t need Brahmins to worship them. Do you think it is brought by Brahmins? No. Dr. Jagman Gurung even claim that using Jamara in Dashain has Magar culture influence and so is use of red colour in tika. Though red colour is prominent in Vedic cultures but in more recent times Kesari (orange colour) is the colour of Hinduism. Animal sacrifice is more prominent in Vedic culture & in Magar culture (Shamanism, bhog for ancestors and other spirits).

 

At the end, every person is free to practice whatever religion or ritual he wants. Here, my point is disowning Hinduism completely, is like disowning the culture which is our own.  More refined work or information is required in this field so that all Magars get the right & precise information.


--- Kamal Gaha Magar           


(Disclaimer; My point of mentioning M S Thapa Magar is only for this subject, otherwise I have a great respect for him and I truely admire for his effort & contribution towards research work on Magar culture & Identity)

Tuesday, October 19, 2021

Bada Dashain is the festival of Bhumiputras

Bada Dashain is a festival of power worship. Its importance is special in our agricultural country with diverse language and culture. Geographically, jamara is not used in the mountainous region. Even if they do not observe the festival, they still believe in power and worship it. Durga is worshiped in the mountains, just as Buddhists in the Himalayas worship Palden Lhamo, or Chamunda. They also do lama calling, drinking alcohol, playing jhyali etc. Religiously Christians and Muslims do not celebrate. Otherwise, Dashain is celebrated with pomp and circumstance in the entire hills and Madhes.

In ancient times, it was customary for all castes to celebrate Dashain by worshiping Shakti according to their own traditions. In recent times, Hindu law has prevailed. As a result of the ruling power, the Hindu method has also affected the tribal community. This method was especially popular as the Thakuri kings expanded their kingdom. The king lived in a Kot. Mir Umra lived in the Kots where the king did not sit. There were forts. There were doormen, chiefs and talukdars in the village. There were four or five tols in one village. There were chiefs and talukdars in each group. In some tols there were up to two or three talukdars. Such a unit of talukdars was called Jhutta, it was the then administrative unit. At this time, king's teacher was called Dharmadhikari. On the day of fulpati, it was customary for the king of Bada Guruju to hold water in the palace and the chief priest to worship Dashain as a resolution. It was customary for the Mir-Umra of Kot to be the representative of the state in Kot without a king, Gadhi Gowda, for the village headman-talukdar to fetch water, and for the Brahmin priest to be the representative of Dharmadhikari. In the fort, the village chiefs, the talukdars were not only Brahmins and Kshatriyas, but Gurung, Magar, Rai and Limbu were also there.

A festival from time immemorial


From time immemorial, the tribal community has been celebrating the Dashain. But, the method was different. For example, in the present Gorkha, there were three states called Tallokot, Majhkot and Upallokot. Ghale was the king in the Tallokot and the Uppallkot. Khadka was the king of Majhkot. They were Magars, not Khadka Chhetri. At that time, the members of the Lig-Lig used to have a feast on the river Chepe on the day of tika on Bada dashain and have racing after tika. It was customary to be the king who reached the kot first.

Some Gurungs, Magars, Rai-Limbus put white tika nowadays. Some are protesting the red tika. But, when the sacrifice is worshiped, then no matter what the animal sacrifices, the blood is first spilled in the temple, then on the akshata on the plate. It is customary for Gurung, Magar and Rai Limbu to administer the tika.

This is how the tradition of the Ghales celebrating the Dashain started. Gurung still worships pitr on the day of fulpati. There is a tradition that one should offer bhog to pitr before eating meat and rice. They go to the forest outside the village on the morning of fulpati and worship Vayu. After paying homage to Vayu, that is, his aggrieved pitr, saying, 'Come on the Dashain, eat and drink,' it is customary for him to eat meat and rice. Similarly, on the day of Kalaratri, the Gurungs worship in their own way by calling Jhankri, Ghabri, Lama. Then, after the Dashain tika, they visit at Pandi (astrologer) place which is called Ana-mana. Ana-mana is the act of finding the genealogy by keeping one ana of money, one mana of rice and alcohol. Pandi says genealogy. Genealogy is a story of pride. The day of listening to the genealogy is the day of the Dashain commence.

Distinguish between red tika and white tika


Some Gurungs, Magars, Rai-Limbus put white tika nowadays. Some are protesting against the red tika. But, when the sacrifice is worshiped, then no matter what the animal sacrifices, the blood is first spilled in the temple, then on the akshata on the plate. It is customary for Gurung Magar and Rai Limbu to administer the tika. Now there is a difference between white tika and red tika. The Gurungs and Magars began to say that this tradition of putting red tika was not ours, but that of the Brahmins. However, the Brahmins are not a slaughtering caste. Gurung, Magar and Rai Limbu are the castes who sacrifice and kill. Therefore, they should not say that the red tika is not ours because it is soaked in the blood. Even now in Dullu Dailekh, Khas Brahmins do not apply red tika, they apply yellow tika by mixing curd rice and turmeric. Most of the Khas Brahmins are in Dailekh. For example, there is a place called Rijupokhara in Dullu. Riju became Rijal, Pokhara became Pokhrel. This is an example. The fact that the yellow tika is still used in the ancient sacks of the Khas Brahmins proves that it was not customary to wear the red tika before the sacrificial worship.

A fusion of diverse cultures


The Aryan race has the distinctive ability to embrace the culture and traditions, to embrace the language and to Sanskritize it after moving to a certain place. For example, we call the river Gandaki a Sanskrit word. But, it is not a Sanskrit language. In the Magar language, it was called 'Gandi', meaning 'green water'. Gandaki has become degenerate. The Koshi River is also said to have been named after the sage Kaushiki or Kushik. Not so. In the ancient Kirat language, water was called khu river. For example, there is a place called Samakhusi in Kathmandu. He became Sanskritized out of happiness. Thus the Aryans Sanskritized the language and culture. Chalan-chalti was also Sanskritized or Aryanized. At present, Pashupati has a sign board for Hindus only. But who discovered Pashupati? This is what Mex Kirats discovered. Here, too, there was a gradual Aryanization.

The same thing happened to the Dashain. Various cultures were adopted by the Aryans. Now some people think that this is a festival and ritual of the Brahmins. But, this is everyone's festival. Indigenous Bhumiputras have a close relationship with nature. That is why the practice of worshiping stones, worshiping water sources, worshiping at the base of trees, etc. has been going on since time immemorial. For example, Gurung has a tradition of depositing money since time immemorial. The ancient Khol and the present-day Pas village are examples of this. A Gurung from Manang has been hunting in Khol village at the foot of Lamjung Himal. Oh, he thought it was such a good place, so he wanted to test the soil to see if it was suitable for settlement. For that, they scattered some of the Uva seeds they had. By the next year, Uva would have become an earring of one hand. It was said that there would be farming and people would settle here. Depositing is a test of the soil. Paddy seeds in Pas village of Lamjung are not kept directly in the beds. According to the site given by Pandi, the Gurungs of the village take it to the Duna-Tapari store, sprinkle it with gold water and worship it, till the soil and put seeds in it. The same seed is then mixed with other seeds and placed in a bed. Such a tradition is still alive. However, some Gurungs say that Jamara is not our tradition, such a problem is seen due to lack of understanding.

Today's young generation seeks science in everything. Old age makes it difficult for them to explain science, so they call it bigotry and superstition. But our festivals are very scientific.

Dashain of Manang


The rituals and customs of celebrating the Dashain are also different. In the Himalayan district of Manang, there is no tika. But the Gurungs there gather and slaughter the sheep on the day of the Dashain tika and drink the wine. However, this trend started much later. this is just done for the sake of king. Because the king had given special autonomy and freedom to the Manangs. After the abolition of taluki practice in 2022 BS, the law of the Government of Nepal has been implemented there. Otherwise, before that, after paying the annual fee, they would not have to obey the laws of Nepal. At that time, ordinary Nepalis did not get passports to go abroad for business. Most of the Nepalis did not go abroad except to be recruited in the Gurkha platoon. However, Manangs were still allowed to do business in Singapore and Malaya, they could get a passport. Having so many privileges, they gather on the day of the Dashain tika for the sake of king. 

Dashain's scientific part


Today's young generation seeks science in everything. Old age makes it difficult for them to explain science, so they call it bigotry and superstition. But our festivals are very scientific. Let me give you an example: The effect of the hailstorm is that the farmer who is stuck in the mud, covered in the rain, and sleeping in the mud, does not get good food. At this time, farmers are like fish caught. To survive the winter, they eat meat and rice for decades. In particular, broth is considered meat. Playing swing helps in digestion. Eating too much meat at one time causes indigestion, diarrhea or other diseases. That's why they play ping pong with fun. The muscles that are dry during the rainy season are activated. The addictions that linger are stretched. This is very scientific.

Importance of Navratri


There are four Navratras in a year. The Dashain also happens in Pus, also in Chait, also in Asar. But, autumn Durga Puja is Bada Dashain. It is believed that the goddess is especially happy to worship at this time. To understand the worship of Navratra from Pratipada to Navami, we need to understand its importance. Night is darkness. Darkness is infatuation, lust, lust or attachment. We worship Navratri to remove the attachment of the nine pores of our body. Removing the attachment within us means strengthening the holes. For example, the eyes may have sinned, the mind may have evil thoughts, injustice-oppression may come. After overcoming such attachments and attachments by worshiping continuously for nine days, the holes become stronger and cleaner. This is the worship of Nava Durga even though various legends and stories are being made over time. In the end, may the great tithe of 2078 BS bring wisdom to all Nepalis, end the global corona epidemic, maintain political stability in the country, and be happy.

(Translated from Nepali to English)

From: https://ratopati.com/story/203135/2021/10/14/jagman-gurung-dashain-?utm_source=pocket_mylist

By: Dr. Jagman Gurung

Saturday, October 9, 2021

Bhujels (Gharti)

 

Bhujels (Ghartis) are inhabitants of Bhuji-Khola area in Baglung district. Bhujels have four sub-caste groups — Bhjyal, Gharti, Nisel and Khawas. They are now scattered in Morang, Rukum, Tanahun, Gorkha, Chitwan, Nawalparasi districts and so forth. They have a close cultural affinity with Magar indigenous community. In terms of language, they are closer to Chepang indigenous community. Bhujel's language belongs to Tibeto-Burman language family. They have two linguistic groups: Bhujel Bhasa and Bhujel Kham. Bhujel Bhasa is spoken in Chitwan, Gorkha and Tanahun districts and Bhujel Kham is spoken in Dhorpatan area. According to the 2011 census, only 9 percent of Bhujels (around 10,358) now speak their mother tongues. Besides Nepal, Bhujel language is also spoken in Sikkim of India.

Source: https://www.ohchr.org/en/udhr/pages/Language.aspx?LangID=byh


Magar Thars (Magar Sub-titles)

 

Magar Thars (Magar Sub-titles)

Hi Guys, I have tried to translate Magar thars (sub-titles) from one of the Nepali book. I hope that I have spell it right in English. I have tried to find as close spell as possible in English.

 

Please check your sub-titles here and let me know whether its mentioned here or not. If not, then what is your sub-title? Please mention it in the comment.

 

One, thing I have observed that is most of the sub-titles are based on the name of the place. Other criteria could be occupation & so on.

 

Aadai Magar

Aankharka Magar

Aargeja Magar

Aargholi Magar

Acchami Magar

Akey Magar

Ale Magar

Aslami Magar

Asthani Magar

Baale Magar

Bade Magar

Bagahe Magar

Bagale Magar

Baijalli Magar

Balami Magar

Barahghare Magar

Barahi Magar

Batal Magar

Bathaa Magar

Bayambu Magar

Bhalami Magar

Birkata Magar

Budha Magar

Budhthoki Magar

Buni Magar

Chindi Magar

Chohan Magar

Daala Magar

Darai Magar

Darlami Magar

Denga Magar

Dhadha Magar

Dhenga Magar

Dhorodchangi Magar

Disuwa Magar

Durungche Magar

Fauja Magar

Favrani Magar

Gaha Magar

Gailaje Magar

Galami Magar

Galang Magar

Garandis Magar

Garanja Magar

Garoja Magar

Gayal magar

Ghaatu Magar

Ghale Magar

Gharti Magar

Ghata Magar

Gindel Magar

Gurbachaan Magar

Hanching Magar

Hiske Magar

Hitaan Magar

Islami Magar

Jarpa Magar

Jhakari Magar

Jhayali Magar

Jhedi Magar

Jugjaali Magar

Jumjali Magar

Kaamu Magar

Kala Magar

Kanauje Magar

Kaucha Magar

Khadka Magar

Khaduluk Magar

Khancha Magar

Khapangi Magar

Khaptadi Magar

Kharnunge Magar

Kharu Magar

Khasu Magar

Khorja Magar

Khulal Magar

Kichim Magar

Kingring Magar

Kopat Magar

Kyakmi Magar

Kyapcchaki Magar

Laamre Magar

Laamtari Magar

Laankapatti Magar

Lahapi Magar

Lami Magar

Lamtari Magar

Layo Magar

Livali Magar

Liyalo Magar

Luggre Magar

Maakim Magar

Magarati Magar

Malai Magar

Mandurang Magar

Marsai Magar

Marsyangi Magar

Maski Magar

Mavayam Magar

Mayandus Magar

Mayangmo Magar

Mobing Magar

Mokami Magar

Moori Magar

Mrriching Magar

Naamjali Magar

Paanche Magar

Paangi Magar

Paangmi Magar

Paharai Magar

Pahari Magar

Paija Magar

Pal Magar

Palli Magar

Panchbhaiya Magar

Paraja Magar

Pata Magar

Pemi Magar

Pewali Magar

Phaal Magar

Pithakote Magar

Pulami Magar

Pun Magar

Purja Magar

Purkhune magar

Pursune Magar

Purvachane Magar

Puwar Magar

Raakhaal Magar

Raanchahi Magar

Raaskoti Magar

Rahadi Magar

Raika Magar

Rajali Magar

Ramjali Magar

Ramoli Magar

Rana Magar

Rancho Magar

Regmi Magar

Rekhal Magar

Rekhu Magar

Rijali Magar

Ruyal Magar

Saarbuji Magar

Salaami Magar

Sartunge magar

Saru Maar

Serpuja Magar

Shrees Magar

Sidhare Magar

Sijapati Magar

Sinjali Magar

Somai Magar

Sooti Magar

Suka Magar

Sunaari Magar

Supa Magar

Suryavanshi Magar

Susling Magar

Suval Magar

Suyiyal Magar

Tarami Magar

Taramu Magar

Thada Magar

Thapa Magar

Tungpeli Magar

Tyaigale Magar

Tyanggale Magar

Uchai Magar

Valmiki Magar

Yaadi Magar


Sub-Division (From www.wikipedia.com)

Magars are divided into the following seven tribes (clans) listed here in an alphabetical order: Ale, Budha/Budhathoki, Gharti, Pun, Rana, Roka, Thapa. These tribes all intermarry with each other, have the same customs, and are in every way equal as regards to social standing. Each tribe is subdivided into many sub-clans.[3][29]

Ale Magars

Arghali, Durungchung, Hiski, Hungchen, Limel, Pade, Rakhal, Suyal, Sirpali.

Budhathoki / Budha Magars:

Gamal, Jugjali, Pahari, Thami, Arkali, Ulange, Karmani, Kosila, Gamal, Chini, Jiyali, Thami, Janjali, Darlasi, Deowal, Namjali, Pare, Pahare, Pojange, Barkabiri, Balkoti, Ramjali, Lamichhane, Khame, Doyal.

Gharti Magars:

Dagami, Galami, Kalikotey, Masrangi, Pahari or Panre, Phagami, Rangu, Rawal, Rijal, Sawangi, Sene, Surai, Sinjapati, Sijapati, Talaji, Tirukia, Wale, Thini, Bhujel.

Pun Magars:

Balali, Birkali, Baijali, Burduja, Garbuja, Namjali, Phungali, Purja, Sain, Sanangi, Sothi, Tajali, Khame, Tirke, Sabangi, Pahare, Gaura, Phagami/Fagami, Saureni, Sherpunja.

Rana Magars:

Aachhami, Aslami, Bangling, Chumi, Chitorey/Chitaurey, Gyangmi/Gyami, Kharka/Khadka, Kyapchaki, Lungeli, Makkim, Maski, Palli, Ruchal, Shrees, Surjabansi/Suryabangsi, Limel, Deuka, Jung, Fewali.

Roka Magars:

Jelbangi, Dununge, Ramjali, Bajhangi, Baijali.

Thapa Magars

To name a few – Āthaghare, Bagale, Bakabal, Bakheti, Baraghare, Birkatta, Kala, Khapangi, Palunge, Puwar/Punwar, Sunari, Sāthighare, Sinjali/Singjali, Saplangi, Mugmi, Pulami, Darlami, Salami, Jarga, Dhenga, Tarami, Tarangi, Byangnasi

Gaha Thapa consists of Bucha, Gora, khangaha/khanga.

Reshmi Thapa consists of Dangal.

Saru Thapa consists of Jhapurluk, Jhendi/Jhedi, Kala. Besides these, Gurbachan, Purbachhaney, Phounja, Chauhan, Pachabhaiya, Khamcha, Khandaluk, Ghale, Baral, Somai, Pithakote, Jhakote, Rakaskoti/Raskoti, Uchai, Samal.

In former days, any Thapa who had lost three generations of ancestors in battle became a Rana, but with the prefix of his Thapa clan. Thus, a Reshmi Thapa would become a Reshmi Rana.[3][30] An instance of this is to be found in the 5th Gurkhas, where a havildar, Lachman Thapa, and a naik, Shamsher Rana, descended from the two Thapa [Magars] brothers; but three generations of descendants from one of these brothers having been killed in the battle, Shamsher Rana's ancestors assumed the title of Rana while Lachman Thapa's ancestors not having been killed in battle for three generations remained a Thapa. From this custom many Rana sub clans are said to have sprung up, and this would lead one to believe that the Rana-Magar clan was looked up to amongst the Magars.[3]

The Rana clan of Magar tribes come from the same stock of Thapa, but when they were separated from their original group and lost for three generations, they settled in a place called lamjung and called themselves by the name of Rana which means chief in khas tradition and language. Thus, the inhabitants of Rana Magar became the lamjung village. The Matwala Khas are generally the progeny of a Khas of Western Nepal and karnali with a Magar woman of Western Nepal. If the woman happens to belong to the khas mixed Rana clan of the Magar tribe, progeny is then called a Bhat Rana.[3][30] The Matwala Khas doesn't wear the sacred thread. They eats pork and drinks alcohol, and in every way assimilates himself with the Magars. He invariably claims to be a matwali khas or pawai khas.[30]

Linguistically, the Magars are divided into three groups. Baraha Magaratis speak Dhut dialect, whereas Athara Magaratis speak Pang and Kaike dialects.

Magar Dhut speakers: Rana, Ale, Thapa

Magar Kham speakers: Budhathoki, Pun, Roka, Gharti

Magar Kaike speakers: Tarali Magar of Dolpa; Budha, Gharti, Roka/Rokaya, Kayat, Jhakri all Magar clans residing in Dolpa and Karnali districts.

Thursday, August 12, 2021

The Ritual Use of Jhakro in Magar Community

 I found this new & interesting article on Magar culture, and hence publishing in my blog.


Source: Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 

Author: Prasad Prakash Sapkota 

 

Abstract

 

Human- plant relation is tightly attached on life of human beings. From the beginning of civilization, people used many plants and their products for different purpose to adopt with their environment. The essential and valuable materials including plant species are gathered, used, saved and always remain hunger for knowledge yet now. They developed different kinds of ceremonies and rituals and include valuable materials and plants within it to protect and remains as indigenous knowledge in particular communities and groups. In this context, I wants to raise the issue of material culture to search why people used plants in their rituals with reference to a plant species the Jhakro the Magars inhabitant of Baglung district, western Nepal. The research was carried out by using descriptive and exploratory research design. Observation, interview and group discussion were used in the field for primary data collection. The Magars are rich in their rituals among them death and kul pujane rituals are significant for cohesive and solidarity of the group; within these rituals a shrub plant species with special type of smell remains in central position for purity and soul. They believed that in death ritual all the polluted activities are purified and in kul pujane Jhakro acts as purity as well as help to join their ancestors with them. Unfortunately, they are unknown of the materialistic meaning of it due to lack of transferring knowledge. In etic aspect, this plant has important medicinal properties and the Magar preserved by keeping it in important rituals within their community.

 

1.        Introduction

 

This paper is based on field research, which was carried out in September 2010 to January 2011 within Magar community in Langaouan of Baglung District, western Nepal.

The word community is derived from two Latin words com means together and munis means serving. It means that the group of people living within a limited geographic area, share whole set of interests with we feeling, having complexity of relations as well as feeling more or less same sentiments and attitudes and possesses the basic institutions by means of which a common life is made possible. “A human community is a functionally related aggregate of people who live in a particular geographic locality at a particular time, share a common culture are arranged in a social structure, and exhibit and awareness of their uniqueness and separate identity as a group”(Bhusan et al., 1999).

 In each community, they have their own rituals which are continuously going on in their practice. They celebrate different rites and rituals which binds them in their own identity, cohesive nature and solidarity. They celebrate their rituals by different ways. In each system they use different kinds of materials, with giving the importance of different plant species. Rituals activities are transfer to their descendent but the knowledge and importance of such materials is going to be vanished continuously. In this context, this research paper is concerned with the study and searching of the answers, why some plants specie are important and required for rituals which remain in central position in different communities.

 Turner opposed Levi-strauss and Durkheim’s concept of the social structure. He argued that in passing from structure to structure many rituals passes through communitas- is a fact of everyone’s experience. Communitas is almost always thought of or portrayed by actors as a timeless condition, an eternal now, as “a moment in and out of time”, or as a state to which the structural view of time is not applicable. Turner’s strategy is to approach society not only as social structure it is the combination of social structure and communitas. He further said that preliterate societies, out of the need for mere survival, provide little scope for leisure. Thus it is only by ritual flat, acting through the legitimate authority vested in those who operate the ritual cycle that opportunities can be created to put men and women outside their everyday structural potions in family, lineage, clan and chieftainship. In such situations as the liminal periods of major rites de passage the “passengers and crew” are free, under ritual exigency, to complete for a while the mysteries that confront all men, the difficulties that peculiarly best their own society, their personal problems and the ways in which their own wisest predecessors have sought to order, explain, explain away, cloak or mask (cloak-conceal, mask-is to impose the features of a standardized interpretation) these mysteries and difficulties (Turner 1980).

 The society has social structure which forms strong and cohesive solidarity between the peoples and communities. The social system is promoted, operated and regulated within the society. People always search and hunger of knowledge. What type of knowledge he gather is old and on the base of it, wants to search new always to go forward continuously from its evolution. Knowledge helps to promote the social structure by increasing cohesive solidarity to adjust within their environment in each community and time. Norms and values are developed in time, space context by the people within their environment and refine continuously. For this they apply everyone’s experience and knowledge to operate the community for the better adjustment. In each society, newly born child begins to socialize s/he becomes aware about the norms and values what they could do or not for the survival within their circumstance. S/he learned, practiced and transferred the knowledge for each activities of the member within their communities for better adaptation at that time and context. The norms and values are in practice in the form of rites and rituals in legitimate form in each community. Member of the people in communities practice each their rites and rituals glorified as well as in the name of God and identities. Each rites and rituals of every society have their own meaning from 'etic' and 'emic' perspective; which advance and solidarity to cope with the environment.

 

1.1    The Magar

 

The Magar is one of the largest ethnic groups of Nepal. Census has reported that the population of the Magar is 1622421, which is 7.14 percentage of the total population of the country (CBS, 2001).The Magars are found mostly in hilly region of Nepal but they are widely spread all over the country. Majority of Magar community is concentrated in western and mid-western hills like Rukum, Rolpa, Baglung, Myagdi, Puthan,Salyan, Mugu, Palpa, Dang on the basis of their population. Nepal living standard survey (2004) states that 34.4% of the Magars are below the poverty line (Thapa Magar 2010).

 The Magars are simple having co-operative nature. The people having normal height, Mangolian face with wheat-white complexion. The face of Chiple Magar is flat and purple wheat- white in color but Salami and Serwai has slightly elongated face, which may be indicate the inter-breeding between the Magar and other clan (Sapkota,2008).

 There are no written documents that could provide factual information about the origin of Magar (Buda Magar, 2061). According to oral history they are the indigenous inhabitants of Magaranth. Magaranth covers large area ranging from the watersheds of Gandaki River to the west up to Karnali River. Magaranth was divided into two regional groups known as 12 Magaranth and 18 Magaranth (Magar and Roka, 2003). Respondents Dil Bahadur Thapa Magar argued that their ancestors were migrated from Humla and settle down in Longaoun of Baglung District. In the question of migration from Palpa District, they surprised with word and said we hearing from you, we don’t know. They commonly refused it and explain that our ancestors help to bring statue of Devi from Palpa to Baglung in turn. At that time, the people who take Khadga and walk ahead the statue are now called Khadka of Baglung bazaar. From this time Khadka perform the role of priest in Bhagabati temple of Baglung district. They respect us and since, at the time for worship Devi by Pancha bali (he-goat, he-buffalo, a couple of chicken or pigeon) we paid a minimum charge i. e. five paisa and one mana (half kilogram) rice. Priest returned all parts of sacrifices animals before the contract rule established in Bhagabati temple. On the basis of material culture that is Plow R. B. Thapa Magar of seventy years old said-

 I left here many years ago and settle in Mahakali Zone of Nepal.My other family members’ i. e brothers and other relatives are living here. Once a day when I was engaged to prepare a plow for the plowing of land in my home Mahakali, a neighbor friend came in my house and watched the structure of plow and said that you are Humli ? He added that he had visited Humla and watched the similar structure’s of plow used by Humli people for the plowing of land.

 Magars have their own language known as Magarkura, but less than half of them can speak it. Magars in some parts of western Nepal also speak the Kham, Kaike and Dhut as their mother language (Thapa Magar, 2010). In the study area all the Magars speak Nepali language and are unable to speak their own language.

 In each community, some plant species are used in their rituals activities according to believes norms and values. In Brahmin community, in death rituals Viringiraj a small herbaceous plant is necessary to complete their polluted ritual. In 'emic' prospective, they believed that this plant joined pretatama (soul) to their ancestors. In Magar communities they used 22 kinds of different plant species for their rituals and ceremonies like as Kharsu(Quercus semicarpifolia) used in bartabanda and birth rites and Baans(Bambus spp.),Jhakro, Shreekhanda, Lalupate are used in death rituals. They believe that these plant species purified the polluted situation and save from the evil eyes (Sapkota,2008).

 The Magars celebrate different rituals and ceremonies which make them unified, cohesive within the society. It also acts as the demonstrating social, political and cultural resistance. Within many rituals the word Jhakro plays central role in Magar community especially among the Chiple and Salami Magar of the study area. It is noted that “any formal action which is set apart from profanes action and which expresses sacred and religious meaning”, the  Jhakro has its own meaning in set formal action as death and kulpuja ritual for purity and soul within the Magar community.

 

1.1   The Jhakro

 

Jhakro is a name of a plant species. In the study area, there is a single plant of this species. It remains in the forest half an hour far on walking distance from the village. Whether it is cultivated by their ancestor or germinated itself, they do not know. It lies in difficult steep rock where people are unable to visit easily. When I observed the plant following with a respondent morphologically, the plant species is perennial shrub. The roots are tap and branched. The stem is erect, branched, solid and creamy in color. The leaves are arranged in whorl on the stem like as node. From this node small branches are developed. The leaves are petiolate, simple, whorl as well as alternate, entire, acute, exstipulate with unicostate reticulate venation. The leaves are shiny, thick with special type of smell. It is difficult to describe this species botanically because Magar cut the main stem of this plant with branches at the time of their rituals, so the plant has not any flowers and fruits.

 

2. Rituals and Jhakro

 

Life-cycle rituals continue to have significance in both simple and complex societies. In each society ritual action has their own meanings which are culturally transmitted through custom and tradition. Ritual action is seen in all areas of social life and is one of the key means. The individual and groups solve their problems in both the sacred and profane aspects of social existence. Customs and traditions remain alive from generation to generation with the cohesive attachment with their religion. In light of religion Durkheim argued that, religions are collective representations which express collective realities; the rites are a manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and which are destined to excite, maintain or recreate certain mental states in these groups. So if the categories are of religious origin, they ought to participate in this nature common to all religious facts, they too should be social affairs and the product of collective    thought (Durkheim,1950 copy in High Points of Anthropology,1980). In Magar society purity and profane of soul are deeply connected with the Jhakro at the time of death. In the life-cycle ritual, death is one of the most important unpleasant, painful and distressing rituals within the Magar community. When a member of the family dies, the other members of the family are to lament with tear. The neighboring members of the village assemble and the older member consoles them. The other member prepared death bed of green bamboo. The dead body is kept on the death bed and covered by shroud (a white thin cloth called kora) and yellow-red thick cloth called the pat. They think pat is a special and pure cloth use to remove pollution. Most favored food of dead people when he was alive, wine, kapur, shrikhanda, rice, flower etc. are put on the mouth of dead body and is taken to Kaligandaki river with spreading la (the mixture of fried rice, abir, coins and flowers) on the cross road. All the mourners offer jal (river water) in the mouth of dead body at last to pay homage to dead soul. Then, finally dagbatti (firing on mouth) is given by elder son and buried on the bank of the river and return to home. Next day, son engage in polluted activities called kiriya garne, at that time, they prepare small hut of tite pati (Artemisia valgaris) and vorlako leaf. Son and his wife and others who are participate in dead pollution remains untouchable, who eat rice without salt and worship their ancestors. They believe that the purity of Jhakro helps to reach soul in their heaven.

The dead pollution is completed on eleventh day. On eleventh day early morning at three, son baths on the tap or well and prepare 22 pinda (rounded stricture of rice and ghee) and keeps on the small branches of Jhakro near the ladder of Jhakro itself, symbol of soul and believes that the ladder help to join death body soul to their ancestors. The ladder, pinda are worships and he prays according to the advice of their priest-bhanja. Then again bathing activities occurs by son and becomes purified. All the polluted materials are buried by bhanja (sister’s son) and spread the mixture of cow urine, ghee, milk with dubo (Cynodon dactylon L.) for purifying of the family member as well as the house. The son receives tika from their bhanja and gives tika to his respective sisters, daughters and other relatives by arranging party including local wine. On the day the polluted ritual is over.

 

2.1 Kul pujane

 

In Magar community, Kul pujne (remembrance of their ancestors) is another important ritual. According to respondents, their ancestral god must be Chandi Baraha because He accepts pig scarifice. There is not clear cut demarcation of the years for Kul puja. In the study area, there is variation in the years of Kul puja between the Magar clans. Generally, they arrange Kul puja at the alternate of seven years. They arrange this ritual at the last of December or January’s bright half of a lunar month on Wednesday or Friday. The small branch of Jhakro is kept on the tap on bath in the morning on that day. The house is purified and smeared by the oil of sesame's seeds.

 The already prepared pure Jaman (unpurified local wine-jad), pure rice and ginger are eaten in the late morning. In the mid noon at twelve o’clock, all the members are gathered in the place of kul puja. There is not any temple or fixed place for kul puja. The clans are assemblage in an area and elder member fix the place in every ritual time. The older and knowledgeable members of Magar prepare a hut of titepati. The side of the hut is covered by the broad leaves of bhorlo. The hut has two steps, upper and lower. The ladder of Jhakro kept against the hut to join two steeps. Hens or cocks are also hung oppositely near the ladder. In the corner of the hut, hung a chindo (a dry cover of the gourd used as pot). Inside the chindo pot they put barley and sesamum’s seeds. Near the ladder, the effigy of kul debata is prepared by the mixture of rice, barley, sesames seeds, ghee etc. When the hens shake their feathers clearly, the people of Magars feel that the god is happy and accepted the gift, then after he starts the puja. The old and knowledgable member of the Magar worship their kul debata (ancestral god) with acheta, pati, cooked rice, pure wine and flowers. At the end of worship, alive heart of black pigs is offered by priest to the god. The ritual rule is that, if pig is female, the chicken must be male or vice-versa. From each family at least a chicken and a black pig must be sacrificed in that ritual. At the nearly end of worship, the priest or other older people catch the branch of Jhakro and tremble with speaking their past, present as well as occurring future events of their family members. This situation is more terrible for all the members of the family because they believe that god is speaking, who has occult powers. After the end of worship, the priest put tika to all the members. According to their respected level within their clan, they divide the different parts of the main sacrifices pig and chickens. Then they went to their home. They eat meat, rice, wine and celebrate happiness to all the members.

 

2.2 Cultural importance of Jhakro

 

Man is highly developed living beings than other organisms due to capacity of building culture and to adopt easily according to their environment. According to Tylor, culture is that complex whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities acquired by man as a member of society. The people acquired those culture which helps to adopt them easily. In Magar community, they acquired the importance of Jhakro from their ancestors. The two above described ritual’s activities are rounds around the plant species Jhakro. They believe that, it is a such type of plant which make purity of their polluted situation of life. They thought that, Jhakro helps to join their ancestors with them.

 Death and Kulpija rituals make the Magar community cohesive as well as solidarity. The rules of purity help for the good health of the members. The essential of black pig and chicken sacrifices in different rituals indicate the necessities of the development of animal husbandry and supplement of meet for nutrition. The Jhakro has many medicinal properties and remains in the central place of death and kul puja rituals of the Magar.

 

2.3 Symbiotic association between culture and Jhakro

 

To begin with, each society must cope with the problem of production-behaviorally satisfying minimal requirements for subsistence; hence there must be an etic behavioral mode of production. The technology and the practice of expanding or limiting the modes of reproduction. The mode of production and reproduction forms the structure. At that time behavioral superstructure is formed. Mental and 'emic' superstructure, meaning the conscious and unconscious cognitive goals, categories, rules, plans, values, philosophies and beliefs about behavior elicited from the participants (Harris,1980).

 Marvin Harris is more interested in deciphering the development of specific cultural traits within one society through the use of an etic as well as 'emic' approach and the application of cultural materialism. He argues that we should give materialist’s reasons for the phenomenon. As mention Harris, Jhakro should have own special meaning in Magar community and the ancestors of Magar introduced it in central value within most important rituals- death and kulpujane. Unfortunately, the important indigenous knowledge of this plant is not known by the Magars of the study area now. Though, the importance of this plant species has been vanishing among them but practice in their culture is continuously going on.

 The cultural traits such as death and kul pujane rituals in Magar community show the symbiotic relations with the plant Jhakro. Though, the Jhakro remains in a single plant in the study area. It is protected due to cultivate or self germinated in difficult steep rocky area in the forest where normally people are unable to destroy it.

 On the other hand it is only used in ritual purpose now a day. The Jhakro plant helps to save the cultural rituals of Magars, and their belief and values within the societies. It seems that cultural values and the Jhakro are remains as two sides of same coin within the Magar communities.

 

3. Conclusion

 

In any society of the world, cultural traits are developed by the human beings for their better adaptation within their environment. Environment is changeable. Within this situation human should adjust in changing ecosystem in their society. Food, shelter, cloth and good health are essential to adjust there. For good health people search different plant species, their character and importance. The most of the medically important plant species are saved when they are interlinked with their important cultural traits. In Magar community, the Jhakro and cultural traits death and kulpujne rituals are tightly connected. It makes the Magar community cohesive, solidarity and share we feeling. Symbiotic association between culture and Jhakro is found in Magar community but as Marvin Harris argues, there is materialistic meaning of each cultural trait, but it is vanish within the Magar of the study area about the Jhakro. They only express that Jhakro is pure and essential plant species which is necessary to make happy for our ancestral god as well as to save our dead soul and complete the polluted rituals. In the analysis of 'etic' prospective, the plant Jhakro is one of the most important medicinal plants. It has special smell which can be used as pesticide and other medicinal propose locally, though chemical analysis has not been carried out till now. In the name of modernization, most of the people ignore their cultural values and materials and increase dependency on allopathic medicine day by day. Increasing dependency will not save communities in terrible change in ecosystem of any corner of the world.