Hi, I have got stunned after reading this article and the fact that how true it is. Where the actual roots of politics are. If not all but this article published in Himal Khabar by Ramesh Koirala is a fact to very extent.
I got so impressed with the article that I could not resist to publish in by blog.
MUST MUST MUST READ - For All Nepali
मधेश अान्दाेलनः सुषुप्त घुर (translated in English)
By: Ramesh Koirala
The Madhes movement, which has been demanding the end of the movement while thinking of the country, has sometimes become chaotic, indecent and sometimes decent, but now it has shrunk to a point with trust in God. This movement, which is simmering like a burning fire in the courtyards of the Terai with the cold wave, needs only a little straw to shine again.
There is no shortage of people throwing straw and waving their hands in the blazing fire. It has been deliberately forgotten that the support or opposition of the Madhesi movement is not the support or opposition of the entire Madhesi community and unnaturally 'Birgunj' and 'Kathmandu' have been set up.
The violent insurgency of the Maoists and the rise of national and international non-governmental organizations after 2046 BS intensified ethnic polarization in Nepal. Due to the Janajati-Madhesi alliance, Kathmandu was forced to modify the old components of the state.
In order to assimilate the same changes, it is necessary to form a Constituent Assembly and write a progressive constitution, but by boycotting the new constitution, the country's Mid-Tarai, i.e. State-2, is now agitating for rights.
Apart from Madhesis and Pahadis, all parties, civic leaders, tribes and neighbors are directly and indirectly involved in the ongoing Madhesi movement. This article focuses on who is baking what kind of bread in the rap of the movement.
In view of the fact that the interests of the big parties in power are focused on entering Singha Durbar or defending their seats, their discussion may not be justified. Similarly, those who are hiding in the crowd of civic leaders who have come as a 'product' of democracy, without seeing anything but discrimination, continue to wreak havoc here and there. Any further comment on those who do nothing but protest for the sake of protest will be in vain.
Dormant Ghur Without a single weighty and rational demand, the neighbors have been able to bake the bread of their choice in Ghur, which has been burning for four months in Madhes.
Representation of Madhes
Looking at the ethnic identities of Madhesi engineers in print, TV and social media, most of them look like upper castes. There are about one and a half million Madhesi Brahmins, about 40,000 Kayasthas and a few less Rajputs in State-2 with an average population of 5 million, who are aware of the growing ethnic polarization.
Knowing that the old-fashioned proverbs and sayings do not carry today's mentality at all, the proverb used by the Newar community in Kathmandu to say 'they despise us' in the current Madhes movement has been raised against the hill khas.
It is not difficult to understand that the real interest of the 'elite' Madhesis at the top of the movement is in reservation. Their special interest is in the 'clusters' specially provided for in the new constitution.
There were a total of eight clusters in Article 13 of the Interim Constitution, Part-3 (Fundamental Rights) and Article 3 of the Right to Equality, in which only their interests - Madhesi, Dalit, Adivasi Janajati and Backward Classes. Article 18 (sub-article 3) of Part-3 (Fundamental Rights and Duties) of the new constitution has 21 'clusters' in conflict with their interests.
Whether to say 'why more', 'looked bad' or 'discriminated', the distinct identity of the 'Madhesi' cluster in the past will include the Dalit, Adivasi, Adivasi Janajati, Madhesi, Tharu, Minority, Marginalized, Muslim, Backward Classes. The main reason seems to be the decay in hackam.
Dalits, Muslims, Tharus and backward classes must have taken 15 percent reservation and the possibility of shrinking to 7 percent must have been causing unbearable pain to the Madhesi elites who are currently living in 22 percent.
This is the result of the tendency of counting army majors and chief district officers (CDOs) every time, regardless of the fact that the highest percentage of doctors, engineers and others have entered the technical service, leaving Newars behind on the basis of caste.
However, in order to ensure 'proportionality', the inner interest is to reduce the 'cluster'. After the agitation started for this, the Madhesi elite engineers reached Geneva and declared it 'peaceful'.
Apart from the Madhesi 'highs', there are also political factions in the movement. The Rajput-created Sadbhavana Party is engrossed in changing its cloak, while the Brahmin-Kayastha-dominated Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (TAMLOP) is in the process of building a mass base.
As the Nepali population is not suitable for that, the issue of adopted rights has been raised by considering the marriage of 'Waripari' in every household.
The Federal Socialist Forum, which sees itself as a major player in tomorrow's ethnic polarization, seems to be trying to downplay the Brahmin-Kayastha leadership by saying that the adopted 'agenda' is not its own.
Despite the deep interest of the Indian establishment, the current Madhes movement did not demand a 'Hindu state'. Because those who make this demand lose the base of the largest Muslim community in Madhes. There is a similar contradiction in the question of maximum representation.
Province No. 2, which has a total of 33 seats in the Legislature-Parliament on the basis of population and geography or population as a whole, has surprisingly forgotten about proportional representation. The new constitution provides for the election of 110 proportional members from across the country, but not a single member from any state can be selected from the boycott list.
As this provision is flawed in terms of provincial representation, it may be in the interest of Province 2 to take advantage of the rich 'aspirants' of other provinces to make it compulsory to elect a representative from each province according to the proportional votes received in each province. Have not made demands.
Disputed over population and geography, they are surprisingly silent on the provision that not a single one of the 22 seats will be up for proportional representation.
Tribal alliance
With the sudden unification of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Nepal and the Federal Socialist Party, it was said that the party would now be a national party, but within a few months, Ashok Rai's face was no longer visible.
Who was this unnatural alliance for? Are the demands of Madhes related to Janajati? What is the benefit to the Janajatis in raising Madhes movement? In accordance with the Madhesi demand that constituencies should be determined on the basis of total population, the total population divided by 165 will be considered as the required population of a constituency.
Accordingly, 18 hilly and mountainous districts will not get direct representation. It is conceivable that in the last Constituent Assembly election, 37 percent of the representatives elected from those 18 districts are from the Janajati community.
In the first three candidates to get maximum votes in that election, 51.5 percent are Janajatis. Janajatis were elected from four of the seven districts with a population of less than one lakh. It is not easy to understand that the hill tribes deliberately do not have their own representation on the basis of 'full population' and support the Madhes movement.
This Madhes movement is also against the rights of the tribals in the Terai. Why aren't there more Tharus, Rajbanshis or Satars in the Terai than Jha, Mishra or Yadavs in the political-administrative structure of Kathmandu?
After the constitution created a separate 'cluster' and stopped the 'Madhesi' movement in their reservation, it seems that these tribes are not interested in this movement. However, a few days ago, news came that the former Limbuwan engineers supported the Madhes movement.
Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari are in demand for Limbuwan. Those districts are also in the 'bottom line' of the Madhes movement. How can there be two different streams of domination in the same area without deception or secret transactions?
Federalism is accepted for the proportional development of every sector of the country. If there are one or two states in the entire densely populated Terai, more than half of the representatives will come to the Central House from those states. There is no doubt that development will be fully focused in the states with high representation.
In that case, the tribal-dominated states will again be discriminated against. Therefore, all the states have been given equal representation so that the composition of the Rajya Sabha does not change.
Local hill
Photos of the procession taken by the hill communities of State-2 in support of the Madhes movement keep coming in print. One has to look at Rolpa before and after the armed conflict to understand why the Madhesi community came to support the 'movement to stop donations from the hills for the benefit of the Madhesi community'.
In the second Constituent Assembly election in Rolpa, where no one thought that there were any non-Maoists during the conflict, the Maoists got only 25,000 votes out of an average of 60,000. Wherever you live, there must be a rule of law to say that what the majority has done is wrong.
Today, everyone knows who is ruling in Madhes. In the proposed state-2, the population of Pahadia is about 12 percent. Even if there is any alliance with the Tharus, their number does not exceed 18 percent.
If the border of this state reaches to Jhapa, then everyone knows that the hill population exceeds one-fourth of the state. The hill communities of State-2 may have taken the issue of demarcation as an issue to relieve the suffering of the 'minorities' in supporting the Madhes movement on the issue of demarcation as the power of 45 percent of the population is likely to upset the politics of the entire state.
Two neighbors
China, which has become the world's largest economy, has three major interests in Nepal: "No Indian interference in Nepal's northern border, let Nepal adhere to the 'One China' policy and expand its market in Nepal.
For this, he has no interest in Nepal's constitution or federalism. However, he is concerned that his interests will not be shaken in the current fluid situation in Nepal. It is because of this concern that his activism I like it.
India, which has invested billions in Nepal's mainstream political parties and bureaucracy over the years, does not need to be swayed by the Bagrelti Madhesi parties, which are showing signs of weakening due to ethnic polarization. Moreover, there is no possibility of a reduction in the number of advocates for his interests in Kathmandu.
Yes, he does not want to see anyone standing against his own interests and for the time being he is showing the Madhesis a sigh of relief. This is evident from the efforts being made to 'reasonably' manage the growing 'common man' political trend among Nepali urban youth.
India is trying its best to make the dream of becoming a 'super power' of the world a reality. During the Cold War, he also saw China as a rising power ahead of the United States and the Soviet Union. He also formed a third alliance, the Organization of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), advancing the principle of Panchsheel in the Soviet Union to prevent American domination of underdeveloped nations.
In the long run, he abandoned the practice, saying that his own sphere of influence would not expand even if such "hungry" groups stopped dominating others, and took a second path from the Nehru-era policy during the reign of his daughter Indira Gandhi - neighbors first.
Under this policy, India has increased its dominance in neighboring countries. Not to mention Bhutan, even in the Maldives, he is able to send troops, form a government, overthrow, imprison the unwilling, whatever. The 'enemy' has not stopped trying to do what it wants even in Pakistan.
He described the then president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, as approaching Beijing and allowing a Chinese warship to enter a Sri Lankan port. In the immediate aftermath of the election, not only did all the opposition parties form an alliance against the Rajapaksa's United People's Freedom Alliance, but also the friendly Sirisena of the Rajapaksa's cabinet.
Sirisena's abandonment of the party after eating vegetables and sweet bread at night surprised Rajapaksa as much as the departure of Mahanta Thakur made Girija Prasad Koirala. Surprisingly, the United National Front for Good Governance, a coalition of Tamils and Muslims from right-wing Sinhalese, nominated Sirisena, who had been defense minister in the last two weeks of the Tamil war in the Rajapaksa government, as its presidential candidate.
Rajapaksa was defeated by the same Sirisena and was punished for making fun of India. In Bangladesh, meanwhile, Sheikh Hasina's Awami League is running for a second term in a nearly one-party election made possible by India's support.
In this way, India is not going to touch Muslim-majority Bangladesh. Nepal seems to be on its knees to India, which is also expanding its dominance towards Burma and Afghanistan.
Indian investment
In today's geopolitical environment, India does not want electricity, water, Terai, Chure and Himal from Nepal. Growing up in a colonial feudal culture, India is well aware that its neighbor will bow down as long as it is impoverished.
India wants to keep this 'adbange' neighbor in its 'grip' in the same way. He has adopted two measures in this regard: First, not to allow the implementation of projects that can strengthen Nepal.
For that, he sometimes uses the extra-nationalism within Nepal and sometimes his grip on the World Bank. Like East Asia's 'Look East' policy, Nepal has not been able to make economic progress by expanding relations with the 'Look North' policy, not because of the inability to take electricity to the North, but because of Indian investment in our government machinery.
India has resorted to a second way to exploit Nepal's instability, which, as suspected, is not its goal. Fragmentation may give India a small geography, but it will not make the mistake of introducing the 'dragon' movement into a larger geography. This is confirmed by the fact that he has not given air to separatist thinking till now.
All he needs in Nepal is political instability. For that, sometimes the king, sometimes the parties, sometimes the extreme leftists, sometimes the extreme rightists, sometimes the racists and sometimes the regionalists keep on pushing and shoving. It is a matter of regret for us and a matter of pride for India - he is still succeeding on both fronts.
When we arrived to suspect that Nepal was not a laboratory in Delhi, he was running a 'factory' here with Makkha and extracting 'goods' to suit himself. The behavior is giving a hint - the new 'goods' that have come in the market nowadays are also the product of this factory, and yes our 'status' today.
This pus doesn't seem to be the same. In the midst of the severe cold wave, various kinds of bread will be baked in Madhesi Ghur. The difference will be that some of the bread will be fully baked while most of it will be half-baked and raw. Harmony: Don't shake anyone's hand. "can be felt to have increased. And, with years of Indian investment, China, unable to reassure the Nepalese government that it has become pro-Delhi, wants to create a status quo like India under the mountains.
But unfortunately, the mountain is very high and steep. Decades have passed since Beijing sought a reliable friend in Kathmandu. He sometimes approaches some left-wing party to see if it will be okay, sometimes he turns to the other side, but he is not finding the desired 'virgin' party.
Today, his status in Nepal is like that of a customer who is forced to choose a golbhenda in the ras chosen by the South. What does southern neighbor India want in Nepal - water, youth, bread or daughter? No matter how much it has always claimed to be an independent nation, the fact that Nepal has lived in Khatanpatna in the south since the time of the British is no longer indigestible.
From the election of the king's private secretary in 2007 to the presence of the Indian ambassador in the Council of Ministers, our status has been understood. In Delhi, there are many 'issues' that need to be 'interfered' in Nepal's daily operations.
In that case, we need people to take care of our own interests, in Kathmandu. That is why India wants the 'structural guarantee', some experts say. This is the reason why India is said to have participated in the Madhes movement from the very beginning, but when you think a little deeper, it is argued that India considers Madhes as its own and is trying to make a 'structural guarantee' through Madhesi leaders.
Source: http://www.himalkhabar.com/118728
