Nepal the Himalayan paradox

                                            Nepal’s modern political journey is a story of repeated hope — and repeated heartbreak. From the fall of the Rana dynasty to the return of King Tribhuvan as a “people’s king,” from the 1990 democratic uprising to the decade-long insurgency led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and now the rise of figures like Balen Shah and the Rastriya Swatantra Party — the faces have changed, the slogans have changed, but the outcomes often feel painfully similar.

The question that haunts Nepal today is simple: Why has every political transformation failed to transform the nation?

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From Rana Rule to Royal Promise: Hope Reborn, System Unchanged

The end of the Rana oligarchy in 1951 was supposed to mark the birth of a modern Nepal. When King Tribhuvan returned to the throne, he symbolized liberation from 104 years of hereditary autocracy. The people believed that monarchy would now stand with democracy.

But structural change never truly followed symbolic change.

Power shifted from Rana prime ministers to palace-centered politics. Institutions remained weak. Political parties were inexperienced. Within a decade, King Mahendra dissolved parliament and introduced the party-less Panchayat system. Democracy was suspended in the name of stability.

Lesson one: Regime change without institutional reform only relocates power — it does not redistribute it.

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1990 Democracy: Political Freedom, Economic Stagnation

The 1990 People’s Movement forced constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy. It was historic. Nepal adopted a new constitution, civil liberties expanded, and political parties flourished.

Yet what followed?

• Frequent government changes

• Coalition instability

• Patronage-based politics

• Corruption scandals

• Weak policy continuity

Between 1990 and 2002, Nepal had more than a dozen governments. Development planning became hostage to power-sharing equations.

Political leaders mastered the art of forming governments — not governing the country.

Meanwhile:

• Industrial growth stagnated

• Youth unemployment surged

• Migration to Gulf countries exploded

• Infrastructure lagged behind regional peers

Democracy brought voice — but not vision.

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The Maoist Insurgency: Revolution Without Reconstruction

In 1996, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), launched a “People’s War,” promising to end feudalism, monarchy, and inequality.

The insurgency lasted ten years, claiming over 16,000 lives. In 2006, the monarchy fell. Nepal became a republic in 2008. The Maoists entered mainstream politics and even led the government.

It was a revolutionary moment.

But again — what changed fundamentally?

Yes:

• Nepal became a federal democratic republic

• Inclusion increased in state structures

• Marginalized communities gained representation

However:

• Corruption persisted

• Federalism became expensive but inefficient

• Governance remained centralized in practice

• Economic transformation did not occur

The war dismantled monarchy — but it did not dismantle the culture of political opportunism.

Revolution changed the constitution. It did not change political behavior.

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Federal Republic: Bigger Structure, Same Problems

After 2015, Nepal adopted a new constitution with federalism as a cornerstone. The idea was decentralization and development at the grassroots level.

But federalism in Nepal faces serious challenges:

• Duplication of bureaucracy

• Budget inefficiencies

• Political appointments over merit

• Weak local capacity

Instead of lean governance, Nepal now operates a cost-heavy political structure with limited productivity.

The economy remains dependent on remittances. Industrialization is minimal. Agriculture modernization is slow. Youth frustration is rising.

The political class, across ideologies, has failed to deliver economic transformation.

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The Rise of Balen Shah and RSP: A New Wave of Frustration

Into this vacuum emerged a new political sentiment.

In 2022, independent candidate Balen Shah won the Kathmandu mayoral election — defeating major party giants. Shortly after, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) entered parliament with surprising strength.

This wave represents:

• Urban youth frustration

• Anti-corruption sentiment

• Desire for technocratic governance

• Rejection of traditional party cartels

For many, Balen symbolizes disruption. A non-traditional politician. Direct. Administrative. Results-oriented.

But can personality-driven politics succeed where systems have failed?

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Why Change in Power Keeps Failing Nepal

Looking at the past 70 years, four structural issues stand out:

1. Weak Institutions

Nepal changes leaders faster than it reforms institutions. Strong institutions outlast leaders. Nepal has focused on the latter.

2. Patronage Politics

Political loyalty often outweighs competence. Every regime builds its own network instead of reforming governance culture.

3. Policy Discontinuity

Each government reverses the previous one’s policies. Long-term economic strategy suffers.

4. Economic Dependence

Nepal’s economy survives on remittances, imports, and aid. Without production-driven growth, political stability alone cannot create prosperity.

Power changes. The model does not.

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The Real Challenges Ahead

1. Resistance from Established Parties

Traditional parties have networks, funding, and grassroots presence. Disruption threatens entrenched interests.

2. Managing Public Expectations

Anti-establishment figures rise on hope. Hope can turn into disappointment quickly if structural limits become visible.

3. Economic Reform Complexity

Nepal needs:

• Industrial policy reform

• Investment climate improvement

• Infrastructure acceleration

• Governance digitization

These require coalition-building, not confrontation alone.

4. Avoiding Populism

Quick optics can win applause. Sustainable reform requires patience, compromise, and technical depth.

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The Bigger Question: Is Nepal’s Problem Leadership or System?

Nepal has tried:

• Monarchy

• Constitutional monarchy

• Multiparty democracy

• Communist-led republic

• Federal structure

Yet governance outcomes remain fragile.

This suggests the issue is not ideology — it is implementation capacity and accountability culture.

Until:

• Institutions are stronger than individuals

• Rule of law outweighs party loyalty

• Economic productivity replaces political rhetoric

No new wave will fully succeed.

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Final Reflection: Cycles of Hope

Nepal’s political history resembles a cycle:

Oppression → Revolution → Celebration → Disillusionment → New Hope → Repeat.

Balen Shah and RSP represent the latest chapter in this cycle. They carry the aspirations of a generation tired of recycled leaders.

But if systemic reform does not accompany political change, history may repeat itself.

The future of Nepal will not depend solely on who holds power — but on whether power is finally used to build institutions, enforce accountability, and create economic opportunity.

Until then, change in power may remain just that — change in faces, not in fate.

Nepal economic analysis for next 10 years (Year 2026-2035)

 Here’s a compact, evidence-based 10-year outlook for Nepal’s economy (2026–2035). I give a short executive summary, three scenarios (baseline / optimistic / downside) with numbers and drivers, main structural opportunities & bottlenecks, key risks, and clear policy / investment priorities you can act on. I cite the most important sources for the load-bearing facts and projections.

Executive summary

Over the next decade Nepal is likely to remain a fast-growing low-middle income economy relative to its past, but growth will be modest unless large structural reforms and major hydro-electric export scaling happen. Under a realistic baseline — assuming current policies, continued remittance strength, steady tourism recovery, and phased hydropower commissioning — annual real GDP growth of ~4–5% is plausible on average. An optimistic path (major reforms, rapid hydropower exports, higher FDI) could lift average growth to 6–7%; a downside path (political instability, weaker remittances, climate shocks) could see growth slip to 2–3%. These ranges and the short-term anchors (remittances, tourism, hydropower) are supported by recent World Bank/ADB/IMF reporting and market coverage. World Bank+2Asian Development Bank+2

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Scenarios (numbers are average annual real GDP growth over 2026–2035)

Baseline (most likely): 4–5%

• Why: World Bank and ADB see growth recovering modestly with services (trade, retail), remittances stabilizing around historical highs (~20–30% of GDP range historically) and tourism continuing its rebound. Baseline assumes moderate policy continuity, incremental hydropower exports and steady private consumption. World Bank+1

Optimistic: 6–7%

• Why: Rapid scaling of large hydro projects, strong transmission links to India/Bangladesh, big surge in exportable electricity, improved business climate (tax & regulatory reform), higher private investment and FDI in energy & tourism. The government’s development plans aim high (16th Plan targets), but World Bank cautions current policies fall short of those targets — so optimistic requires reforms. World Bank+1

Downside: 2–3%

• Why: Political instability, weaker global demand and tourism shocks, lower remittances (global job market changes), major climate events damaging agriculture and infrastructure, or fiscal stress that crowds out investment. Recent reports highlight vulnerability to natural disasters and lingering structural weaknesses. World Bank+1

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Key drivers that will determine outcomes

1. Remittances (structural backbone)

   • Remittances have been and are likely to remain a large share of GDP (World Bank projects stabilization around the mid-20% range of GDP over projections). They support domestic demand, foreign exchange and household consumption. Any major drop in remittances would immediately pressure growth and the current account. World Bank

2. Hydropower scaling & electricity exports

   • Nepal is actively commissioning large hydro plants and has begun exporting electricity (first exports to Bangladesh via India; agreements with India for increasing imports). If transmission, pricing, and dispatch arrangements scale, electricity exports could become a major foreign-exchange earner and growth driver. Reuters and regional sources confirm early exports and further export agreements. Reuters+1

3. Tourism recovery

   • International arrivals have rebounded strongly post-pandemic and are projected to continue rising — tourism is a fast turnaround sector that supports services, employment and foreign exchange (NTB / tourism statistics show strong recent months). Continued growth helps services GDP and jobs. Tourism Info Nepal+1

4. Public finance, debt & banking health

   • Fiscal space is constrained: financing large infrastructure and social spending requires better revenue mobilization and debt management. Banking sector vulnerabilities (rising NPLs) could restrict credit if not addressed. IMF/World Bank monitoring flags these constraints. IMF+1

5. Trade & regional integration

   • Heavy trade dependence on India for imports and transit; expanding energy trade and improved connectivity with India/China can reshape export possibilities but require diplomacy, transmission infrastructure and investment. WITS data and trade reports show India as the dominant partner. World Integrated Trade Solution+1

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Major opportunities (what could be leveraged)

1. Hydropower as an exportable commodity — large projects, cross-border transmission, and the India/Bangladesh market represent a transformational export sector if regulatory and commercial frameworks are fixed. Reuters+1

2. Services & tourism expansion — adventure, high-value eco and cultural tourism can scale with better air connectivity and value-added services. Tourism Info Nepal

3. Remittance-financed entrepreneurship — channeling remittances into local productive investment (finance products, diaspora bonds, local SME finance) can convert consumption relief into capital formation. World Bank

4. Agricultural productivity & diversification — modernizing irrigation, mechanization and value chains can protect rural incomes and lower import dependence for staples.

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Main risks (what would derail growth)

• Climate & natural disasters: floods, landslides and erratic monsoons damage crops and infrastructure; these shocks recur and are material for GDP volatility. (World Bank highlights resilience needs.) World Bank

• Political instability & policy uncertainty: delays in project approvals, land acquisition or shifting rules dampen FDI and domestic investment. World Bank

• External shocks: weaker global demand, a slowdown in GCC / Malaysia (major migrant destinations) could reduce remittances. World Bank

• Banking stress & rising NPLs: could compress credit and crowd out private investment. IMF

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Practical policy & investment priorities (concise action list)

1. Fast-track commercially bankable hydropower + transmission corridors

   • Prioritize transparent PPAs, regional interconnects (India/Bangladesh) and phased auctions to attract international energy investors. This has the highest upside for forex and GDP. Reuters

2. Improve revenue mobilization & fiscal management

   • Broaden tax base, improve tax administration, and issue diaspora or project bonds to finance transmission rather than high-cost external debt. World Bank stresses fiscal reforms to meet growth plans. World Bank

3. Strengthen financial sector supervision

   • Clean up NPLs, recapitalize weak banks/SACCOs, and enable SME credit lines to keep investment flowing. IMF/World Bank reviews flag rising financial sector risks. IMF+1

4. Channel remittances into productive investment

   • Offer matched savings, diaspora bonds for infrastructure, and easier FX channels for investment into startups and agribusiness. World Bank

5. Tourism & services upgrade

   • Invest in air connectivity, high-quality trekking/eco projects, and training to capture higher per-tourist receipts — these are quick wins once safety and infrastructure are ensured. Tourism Info Nepal

6. Climate-resilient infrastructure

   • Prioritize roads, flood control, and resilient supply chains to lower the economic cost of disasters. World Bank reports repeatedly emphasize resilience. World Bank

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Bottom line (one paragraph)

Nepal’s next decade is a story of potential vs. implementation. The country has three game-changing strengths — remittances (large and stable), fast-recovering tourism, and world-class hydropower potential — that together can lift growth materially. But realizing a consistent 6%+ growth path requires decisive reforms (fiscal, financial, regulatory), successful commissioning and commercialization of hydropower with regional buyers, and climate resilience investments. Without those, growth will probably stay in the 4–5% band and remain vulnerable to external shocks and natural disasters.

Discussion - 03 - Kot Mandir in western Nepal

Guys, the Magars from Gandaki region can very well relate this thing with me. Did anyone observe the temple or Mandir formation in Gandaki region. 

The temple here is normally open, there is no roof on top. I don't whether its because of lack of budget or some religious reason. Somewhere, I have read that its because that its influenced by Mongol culture. As they say, the reason of no roof is to have direct connection of the divine diety with the heaven itself. 

Exactly, behind the main temple there is small enclosed area of another god. This I am specially talking for Syangja region.  

There is one kotghar. Apart from that there are other minor gods in the temple compound. One of them is Bhuyar/Bhayar god. As per my research I have found that its actually a Bhume means Mother Earth, I don't know how realiable is this information. I have found this small information on Bhuyar god which I am sharing below. 

"We should emphasize first and foremost that the name Bhume is itself Nepalese, derived from the sanskrit bhû, bhûmî. This goddess is neglected by the Hindi of high caste, whereas she is central to the Magar. This paradox has two possible sources: the Magar might have identified one of their principal goddesses with a minor Hindu deity by virtue of a common relation to the earth, conferring an unusual importance on the latter. Or they might have constructed a divine being on the basis of Hindu concepts, as the result of a new-found need to defend their rights to the earth in the face of the Hindu invaders. The second hypothesis seems more likely, since there is no trace of a Magar earth goddess before Bhume. Even in the regions where the Magar retained the use of their original language (such as in Palpa, Syangja, or in the Kham country) and where, consequently, some of the gods have Magar names, the earth goddess is called by Nepalese terms, such as Bhume, Bhuyar, or Bhayar. Furthermore, even if the Magar themselves once had an earth goddess of their own, the renaming of this deity would indicate a change of identity, given the importance of a divinity's name."

There is this another interesting article I have found on Kot Mandir:

"The Shaktipiths of the Gandaki Praswan area seem to be inspired by Magar culture. Which the Khas Aryans have adopted. Based on Magarati or Magarat religion philosophy or doctrine, the Magarat state had established Magar Shakti Peeths, Kots, and Dewals in different places and arranged for Magar priests. The Magar priests developed their tantra mantras. There are still Magar priests of Maski Rana, Saru, Thapa, Aslami, Pulami Thar in those Shakti Peeths and devotees of all castes like Brahmins, Chhetri Newars are still receiving Tika Prasad from the hands of Magar priests.

Alamdevi, Manakamana, Gorkha Durbar, Kaski Kot, Budasubba Dharan, Lamjungkot, Musikot, Bhirkot, etc. There are twenty-five places with Shakti Peeths, Kots, or Dewals based on the natural religion philosophy of the Magars since ancient times. Devotees of all castes and ethnicities have had a deep faith in Magar priests and their mantras since ancient times. This order is still the same today. This is a precedent for the Magar community reaching the pinnacle of civilization in ancient times. There have been many invasions, encroachments, repressions, but the religion and culture of the indigenous Magar tribes have not been completely eradicated by any system of government or state power. Could not be eliminated"

What's interesting here is many of this dieties are not actually related to mainstream Hindu gods. Though, I know that there was already a Kuldevta or Devi in South Asian region before Aryan bring their Vedic culture with them. Today, in India many such local deities has incorporated in main stream vedic culture.  

Or, Is there a possibility that Kali Gandaki region was influenced by Vedic culture since ancient time.

Whatever it is but one thing I am definite is these kot temples are somehow related to our own Magar culture & history. We need more detail research on it. 

Discussion - 02 - Magar Pujaris

 Do you guys know that Alam Devi, Lasargah; Manakamana Devi Mandi, Buda Subba Mandir & may be some other lesser know temples has Magar priest. 

What could be the possible reason for it? Many scholars sees its as connection between Magar & Shah Kings ancestors.     

I have found this article related to the topic, below: 

"The traditions of animism or nature worship, patriarchal worship, jhankriism, and sacrifice worship are also continuing. Famous national and international shrines Manakamana, Alam Devi, Budhasubba, Chhabdivarahi, Gorakhkali, Hanumandhoka Dasai Ghar, Kaskikot, Lamjungkot, Salyakot, Baldhengadhi, Varse-Arkulkot, Rautamai, Satyavati, Rainadevi etc. are also the main priests of Gandakeli Magar cultural group. Starting from the Tantric patriarchal tradition, pigs are also sacrificed in these temples. Therefore, the Gandakeli Magar culture has important foundations of a mixed and coordinated Nepali national culture."

Though, if we go deeper it shows lots of thing related to Magar culture & history. Its helps in understanding the position of Magars in ancient Nepal. We should be thankful that with many ups & down in past, this tradition is still survived till date. This thing is nothing less than a living history of Magar, whose own written or oral history is rare to find. 

What do you guys think on it.

Is the Devi tradition belongs to Khas or was already there with Magars before they come in influence with Khas? Magar which in my opinion is nature worshipper & Devi tradition is actually associated with Khas. Or, was that divine shakti was already there. I mean Magars were already worshipping that place with some name & later Khas came into picture & they have converted & named into Devi. There are many examples in which Khas has Hindunized the place & river of western Nepal. Though, this thing is nothing new, victorious people, ruling class, literate people in the past ( & in fact its there right now also) has tend to change the narration in their favour.

So, possibilities are many but did anyone has done the deep research in it. Please do share your knowledge in this topic with us all.    

Discussion - 01 - Middle Name Bahadur

Hi Guys, this is a new series I have started called 'Discussion'. The idea of this is to share some knowledge with you & I return I expect your views, comments or anything you guys want to add on it that everyone should know. Its like sharing our knowledge - that's actually what's the motto of my blog too.  

'Bahadur' is a very common name in Nepali names specially in Magars & Chettris. Bahadur which is purely a Khas word whose meaning is 'Brave'.

But the thing is why Bahadur is used in Magars & Chettris only, may be. Why Rai, Limbu & other Eastern Nepal caste don't use this middle name?

Is this the kind of title earned by this groups, in history? 

At what point of time (in history) could the use of this middle name started in Nepal?   

Does it shows some caste perception in Nepali society?

And all this thing we can discuss here. So, I welcome all the views, comments & the knowledge known to you guys. 

Magar vs Thakuri

 

Recently, I have come across an article in which it’s written that Nepal’s Thakuris are actually Magars. Even Hamilton has famously quoted that Prithvi Narayan Shah was descendants of Magars.  

 So, today I have thought of putting my thought with you guys, what is my view on it.   

 First understand the word ‘Thakuri’ means. Its origin is very simple & clear this word is derived from the word ‘Thakur’ which is used in Gangetic plain for the ruling class like zamindars. In simple world they were the landlords. According to the size of their property they can claim themselves as local kings. Common local people used to call them ‘Raja Saheb’ means ‘King’. Thakur word itself has many derivatives in India for example Tagore (which is British pronunciation of Thakur), Thakkar, Thackrey etc. Thakur could have probably become Thakuri when speaking in Khas language, which if I am not wrong was originally similar to today’s Doti region language.

 Many Magar scholars claim that Thakuris are actually Magars, who claim that many Magar chieftains have raised themselves to upper caste & claim the title of Thakuri. They have their own points to support it for example cousin marriage, some cultures etc. However, my view is very much different with their view. In my opinion Thakuris are truly Khas people or in some case Rajputs.

 This very thing gets complex when we look at the Thakuris of Gandaki region. The region which was ruled by Magar chieftains. So, in my opinion only few Magar chieftains from Gandaki region has come under the influence of Khas Brahmans & change their title. But true Magar origin Thakuris actually came from, Sen Thakuris of Palpa. As mentioned in history, Palpa was once ruled by Sen Kings, these are same & true Magar Kings who declared themselves as Thakuri. And, Palpa is actually the region which is dominated by Magars. This Sen Thakuris are the one who makes the Thakuris history complex. Apart from that there is some possibility that some Gandak region Magar chieftains may have taken the title of Shah, however the possibility of it very slim. There is written history that Prithvi Narayan Shah had Sen King of Palpa had marital relationship.

 For me other Thakuris like Shah, Chand, Bam are mainly come from western part of Nepal & are Khas. Shah Thakuris was already ruling present day Garhwal in 14^th century. In my opinion Prithivi Narayan Shah’s ancestors were also migrated from Garhwal region. Slowly, they started moving east as Khas people themselves started moving east. One of my points is the language used by Prithvi Narayan Shah, which is pretty similar to present day Doti region language. 

However, if we specifically talk about Prithvi Narayan Shah & his ancestors, some scholars claim that Prithvi Narayan Shah ancestor named Kulmandan Shah was a son of Mincha Khan, a Magar king. Even, their Kul Devi is Alam Devi of Lasargah, where main priest is Magar. Though, I myself will like more concrete support to favour this theory.

Mallas, in my opinion were migrated directly from Gangetic plain. There was in fact a Malla Kingdom in Terai 2500 years ago. Malla later got inter-mingled with local Newar elites.

So, guys I am also looking forward to inputs from you. Please do comment and share your view to me too.

The Magars and Their Cosmology

 "Source: https://www.thewondernepal.com/articles/the-forgotten-fire-reviving-the-magar-community/"

 Introduction

Deep in the hills of central and western Nepal, where the forests thicken and old stones hum beneath moss and pine needles, there lies a sacred tradition nearly extinguished by time—the shamanic rites of the Magar people. Long before temples of brick or cities of stone, the Magars lit fires in forest clearings, whispered invocations to the ancestors, and summoned spirits through smoke and drumbeats. These rites—of healing, remembrance, and communion—were once the cornerstone of Magar spiritual life.

Today, the fire is fading. The dhami, jhankri, and bijuwa—once revered for their powers to traverse the spirit world and maintain cosmic balance—are few in number, their chants unrecorded, their rituals misunderstood or dismissed as superstition. Yet in the shadows of forgotten shrines and in the memory of the hills, something still stirs. The embers of Magar shamanic practice are not entirely cold. This article seeks to rediscover the ancient fire, to understand the rites that once bound the Magars to their land, ancestors, and unseen world—and to explore the fragile efforts being made today to keep this legacy alive.

 

The Magars and Their Cosmology

The Magars are one of Nepal’s oldest indigenous ethnic groups, believed to have inhabited the mid-hills and lower Himalayan zones long before Indo-Aryan and Tibetan migrations. Today, they form one of the largest Janajati populations in the country, spread across districts like Palpa, Rolpa, Rukum, Gulmi, Baglung, Myagdi, and Pyuthan.

Traditionally animistic and shamanic, the Magars believe in a layered universe inhabited by humans, nature spirits, ancestral souls, and gods. These realms interact constantly, and any disruption—be it illness, crop failure, or misfortune—is interpreted as spiritual imbalance. It is the task of the dhami (spirit-medium) and bijuwa (ancestral priest) to restore that balance.

Unlike codified religions, Magar shamanic practice was fluid, local, and oral. Rituals varied from village to village, lineage to lineage. But common to all was the central role of the sacred fire and smoke—the mediums through which ancestors were called, spirits fed, and diseases exorcised.

 

Fire and Smoke: The Sacred Medium

Among the Magars, fire was more than physical warmth—it was a portal. The hearth was a shrine, the smoke a message. Ritual fires (aggini) were lit with specific woods: uttis (alder), salla (pine), and paiyun (wild cherry), each chosen for its spiritual resonance. The smoke that rose from offerings—grains, rice, ghee, meat, and sacred herbs like titepati (Artemisia)—was believed to nourish ancestors and carry prayers to the unseen.

This smoke served several sacred functions:

• Purification: Homes, bodies, and ritual grounds were cleansed with wafting smoke.
   
• Invocation: Spirits were summoned through the fire’s breath—spoken names sent skyward.
   
• Protection: Smoke marked sacred boundaries during healing or trance rites.
   
• Possession and Speech: In trance, a dhami would inhale the smoke and become the voice of an ancestor or deity.
   

The fire was always circled anti-clockwise, symbolizing a return to origin. When performing the kul puja—ancestral rites—the bijuwa would carefully trace the family lineage, name the spirits, and offer cooked rice and raksi (homemade liquor) into the flames. In this moment, the dead were present, fed, and honored.

 

The Shamans: Dhami, Jhankri, and Bijuwa

Shamanic roles in Magar society were varied, each with specific powers and responsibilities.

Dhami

• Often entered trance states to communicate with deities or spirits.
   
• Diagnosed causes of illness or misfortune by observing animal behavior or dreams.
   
• Conducted seasonal rites to ensure harmony between village and nature.
   

Jhankri

• A healer and spiritual warrior.
   
• Used ritual instruments like the dhyangro (frame drum), bells, and feathered headgear.
   
• Fought off evil spirits (bhut, bokshi, or kecchari) that afflicted individuals or livestock.
   

Bijuwa

• Specialized in ancestral rites.
   
• Maintained oral genealogies and ritual calendars.
   
• Officiated kul pujas, death rituals, and life-cycle ceremonies.
   

These roles were often hereditary, passed from father to son or uncle to nephew. Initiation involved dreams, illness, visions in the forest, or direct possession—signs that a spirit had chosen the individual for this sacred work.

 

Ancestral Rites: The Kul Puja and Beyond

Central to Magar spirituality is the belief that ancestors do not disappear—they remain close, watching, guiding, and, if neglected, punishing. Honoring them is both a duty and a necessity.

Kul Puja (Clan Ancestor Worship)

• Performed annually or during major transitions: births, marriages, house construction.
   
• Involves offerings of boiled rice, eggs, raksi, chicken, and sometimes blood sacrifices.
   
• Names of deceased ancestors are recited in precise order to invite their presence.
   
• Fire and smoke are used to “open the way” and serve the meal to the dead.
   

Failure to conduct kul puja was believed to invite misfortune—illness, accidents, and spiritual restlessness.

Death and Rebirth

• Death was not the end but a journey through pachhyo lok—the afterworld.
   
• The bijuwa helped guide the soul through rituals like pitri karma and panche batti (five lamp ceremony).
   
• Rebirth was both feared and celebrated; sometimes, infants were named after deceased kin believed to have returned.
   

 

The Drumbeat and the Trance

The heart of many Magar shamanic rites is the dhyangro, a frame drum struck in rhythmic patterns to summon spirits or induce trance. Each beat was a step into the invisible. The jhankri would begin slow, eyes fixed on the fire. As the beat quickened and incense thickened, the world around would blur. When the spirit entered, the jhankri’s voice would change, face contort, and movements shift into a divine presence.

In trance, the jhankri might:

• Diagnose illnesses caused by spirit possession.
   
• Identify curses or witchcraft.
   
• Retrieve lost soul fragments (la) of the afflicted.
   
• Recite myths or chants as the voice of gods or ancestors.
   

Witnesses often wept, trembled, or joined in ecstatic song. For them, this was not performance but divine encounter—a moment when the world opened.

 

Sacred Landscapes and Spirit Geography

For the Magars, certain places were charged with spirit energy—natural temples of power. These included:

• Forest Clearings (ban khel): Where initiations and healing rites were conducted.
   
• Hilltop Shrines (deurali): Offerings made before travel or harvesting.
   
• Waterfalls and Springs (jhari, mul): Home to jhyangri spirits—some benevolent, others dangerous.
   
• Old Trees (bar, pipal, chilaune): Believed to house ancestral or guardian spirits.
   

These places were maintained with respect. To build near them, cut trees, or bathe during certain lunar phases was forbidden without permission from a dhami or bijuwa. With modernization, many of these places are now roadsides or farmland. The spirits remain, but few remember how to speak with them.

 

Decline and Disappearance

The decline of Magar shamanic rites has been rapid in recent decades, driven by multiple factors:

Conversion and Religious Pressure

• Christian missionary activity in hill districts has led many Magar families to abandon ancestral rituals.
   
• New faiths discourage what they consider “idol worship” or “witchcraft.”
   

Modern Education and Migration

• Children grow up in boarding schools or cities, disconnected from their village traditions.
   
• Young Magars increasingly see dhami-jhankri practices as backward or shameful.
   

Loss of Ritual Knowledge

• Oral transmission has broken down. Chants are forgotten, lineage trees incomplete.
   
• Many elders died during the Maoist conflict without passing on knowledge.
   

Tourism and Misrepresentation

• Some shamans are hired to “perform” rituals for trekkers—diluting the sacred into spectacle.
   
• Authentic practices are confused with stereotyped Himalayan shamanism or Tibetan Tantric displays.