The political heritage of the Magar people. (Translated in English)

Source: www.onlinekhabar.com

Author: Rajkumar Dikpal

 When the situation came, Kazi Abhiman Singh Rana had to cut Karbir Pandey. Rajyalakshmi, the youngest queen of King Rajendra, who was in power at that time, ordered to cut off these qazis. According to the queen's order, the alleged killer of her beloved Kazi Gagan Singh, Birkeshar Pandey, had to be killed immediately, said Abhiman Singh Rana.

V.S. On 3 August 1903, the then powerful Qazi (Minister) Gagan Singh was mysteriously assassinated. In order to find the killer, the officials were ordered to gather at Kot and blow the bugle. However, Abhiman Singh was reluctant to cut Birkeshar, saying that such a thing could be done only after the red seal of King Kayalanama came.

The situation was becoming very tense. The then Mulkaji, i.e. Prime Minister Fatya Jung Shah, was also brought to Kot. He reminded the queen as much as he could. The queen herself drew her sword and tried to cut off the head of Virkeshar Pandey. At that time, Fatya Jung, Dalbhanjan and Abhiman Singh barely reminded the queen and took her upstairs.

Seeing such fear of Kot, Kazi Abhiman Singh Rana, who had come with his subordinate army personnel to save himself, was stopped by the guard. At the behest of Jung Bahadur, another army officer attacked Abhiman Singh in the chest. As Abhiman Singh falls, he reveals his secret and shouts, "There is a war to kill Gagan Singh."

Who will listen to the name of Abhiman Singh Rana as Gagan Singh's killer in the Kot Parva organized in a big strategy?

Thus, with the last breath of Abhiman Singh Rana Magar at the Kot Festival, the old high-level political legacy of the Magars with the then state power also came to an end.

Abhiman Singh was one of the ministers in the cabinet led by Fatya Jung along with three platoons. At that time, Fatya Jung had three regiments and Gagan Singh had seven regiments (same: 189).

Magar's old legacy

History Reading Baburam Acharya's' Brief Biography of His Majesty King Prithvinarayan Shah '(2061: 6) shows that when the descendants of Jain Khan, the ancestor of Nepal's former dynasty, were divided into five Thakurais, they settled in the Magars' settlement. In that too, Drabya Shah, B.Sc. Around 1616, he established a kingdom in Gorkha.

According to Acharya (2061: 12), the Magars of Gorkha started progressing from the time of Ram Shah. During this time, Siddha Lakhan Thapa Magar made Manakamana a holy place. It is true that Gangaram Rana was made an officer of the Department of Justice during the reign of Drabya Shah. Reading Acharya (2061: 126), it is known that Prithvinarayan Shah's journey to Benaras was also attended by dignitaries like Jasivant Rana and Devu Rana.

However, there is written evidence that the Magars had an important political legacy in their place four hundred and fifty years before the time of Drabya Shah.

Dhanbajra Bajracharya and Mahesh Raj Pant were mentioned in the footnote by historian Gyanmani Nepal as mentioned in 'Nepal Nirupana' (2055: 125-126). The name and surname 'Sohav Rane' has been found in the place of Jhanteshwar Mahadev found in western Nepal in 1157 BS. There is evidence that Sohab Rane was an important Magar personality as the word 'Magvarvishaya' was mentioned in the copperplate and one of them was Sohav Rane.

As the copperplate mentions 'Ida Bhavo Dhaknap and Sohav Rane', he was the first of the Panchali Guthiars to have the surname Bhavo or Bhao. A second local man and a third Rana Magar appear. Nepal has mentioned in this copperplate that it is called 'Magvarvishaya', so it can be said that Jhanteshwar was located in Magarat of Gandaki region of western Nepal. This proves that the Magar text was of historical significance.

'Magarat' accepted by Prithvinarayan Shah

Reading the 'Divine Sermon of Bada Maharaj Dhiraj Shri 5 Prithvinarayan Shah' (2061: 28-59) edited by Baburam Acharya and Yogi Narharinath, it is clear that Prithvinarayan Shah accepted 'Magarat'. Here Prithvinarayan says that he is the king of Magarat.

He also gave this sermon to his grandfather (a man who took care of him from his childhood) Surath Singh Rana at the Nuwakot Durbar as a witness. Accordingly, Prithvinarayan Shah expressed his intention to become the 'King of Nepal' with his uncle Palpali Yuvaraj Udyot Sen, who had reached Gorkha with the intention of visiting various places of pilgrimage including Pashupatinath and Gorakhnath.

When Prithvinarayan Shah reached Makwanpur and returned to Gorkha through the Chandragiri hills empty-handed, he saw the state of Nepal (Kathmandu Valley) and looked at the state. This is the reference he made to Mama Udyog Sen.

When Mama asked him what kind of army he had, he said that he had Brahmin, Khas, Magar and Thakuri armies. Then the uncle called the ‘Brahmin’s rider’ the vail (bull). It seems to be a sin, Thakuri's rider is Singh. The horse of the Magar is called Tagan horse. It is slow. The rider is a fresh Turkish horse. I would like to ride a horse. '

In this, Magar is called a slow caste. This reference also comes in the time of Narabhupal Shah. This will be mentioned again.

In Gorkha, Prithvinarayan Shah had assigned Arjyal, Khanal, Pandey, Pant, Bohara and Rana Magar while determining the six-storied house. According to his tradition here, Kazi Abhiman Singh Rana was in a high position in Kot Parbat.

Prithvinarayan Shah gave the children of Pandey, Basnet, Pant and Magar of Gorkha important responsibilities to their children after their death and even if they paused to die. He was instructed to kill and send to the toughest battles.

Salt straighteners

Prithvinarayan Shah, during the expansion of the state, became king one year after he became king. In 1800, Biraj Thapa Magar and Gaureshwar Panth were sent to attack Nuwakot under Kantipur. However, they returned to Gorkha without any achievement. However, Prithvinarayan Shah succeeded in attacking Nuwakot for the second time.

Reading the mouthpiece of the Department of Archeology 'Prachin Nepal' No. 21 (November, 2029: 27), it is found that Devu Rana, Jaswant Rana, Narkeshar Thapa Granji, Narbir Ale, Sakrajit Thapa, Suget Rana, Mansingh Ale, Rudradev Thapa Pulami and many other Magar troops were deployed in Nuwakot.

From Gorkha, Prithvinarayan Shah attacked Nuwakot with an army including a large number of crocodiles. On the other hand, Gorkhali Qazi Jayant Rana of Narabhupal Shah's time had fled from Gorkha and settled in Nuwakot under Kantipur.

History According to Shiromani Baburam Acharya's book 'A Brief Biography of His Majesty King Prithvinarayan Shah' (2061: 74), Narabhupal Shah planned to invade Nuwakot only once during his reign. This plan was supported by the then Minister Maheshwar Pantha.

At that time, the population of Magars was increasing in Sindhupalchowk and Nuwakot. As they were not afraid of even the king of Kantipur, Kashiram Thapa, a herdsman from Palanchok, was made the nobleman of Nuwakot to control them.

On the orders of Narbhupal Shah, Nuwakot was attacked under the command of Kazi Maheshwar Panth and Sardar Jayant Rana. But the Gorkhali side was defeated. After this defeat, Maheshwar Pantha hurriedly returned to Gorkha and said that the reason for the defeat was the sluggishness of the Magars. When Jayant was fired before he could reach Gorkha, he fled from Gorkha and settled in Kotgaon, southeast of Nuwakot. He later became the nobleman of Nuwakot.

According to Acharya (2061: 165-167), Prithvinarayan sent his men to summon Sardar Jayant of Purvagorkhali. But Jayant said to Prithvinarayan Shah, "Yes, I am your servant." However, he sent a message saying, "I ate Jaiprakash Malla's salt. I can't leave the salt." Sending such a message, he went to King Jayaprakash Malla of Kantipur to appeal for more troops to fight Gorkhali.

His son Shankhamani was a general in the Mahamandal. Gorkhali was attacked. Shankhamani was killed by Prithvinarayan Shah's brother Dalmardan Shah's sword. Thus V.S. On 15 September 1801, Nuwakot came under the control of Gorkha.

After that, Jayant started living in Belkot in a state of grief even after the miscarriage. Prithvinarayan Shah raided his military camp. He himself climbed on the doli and moved forward to attack. However, Prithvinarayan Shah was preparing to return from the battlefield when the Gorkhali side suffered heavy losses. At that time, Kalu Pandey reached the battlefield with a large army. They grabbed Jayant and brought him back, and took his life by skinning him alive.

If he had joined the Gorkhali faction when Prithvinaran Shah called him, he would not have had to die so harshly, perhaps he would have got the benefit he wanted. But, he honestly straightened the salt, and lost his son, was skinned alive by the enemy and sacrificed.

Lohari Rana and Jasbu Rana seem to have been active among the Magar rulers during the time of Narabhupal Shah. These two Magar Bhardars were also present among the nine Gorkhali witnesses who were given land rights by Narabhupal Shah to Ramu Ghale of Manbu village in Gorkha.

V.S. The copy of this copperplate, issued on 17th June, 1796 BS, was received by the author through Sir Ghale, a descendant of the Ghale family. Along with the names of Lohari and Jasbu Rana Magar, the name of Shivaram Basnet (Shivaram Singh Basnyat) is also mentioned in the copperplate. Abhiman Singh Basnet, popularly known as Bir in Nepali history, is a descendant of Shivaram.

But Qazi, who cut

Among the Magar Qazis who have carried the old political legacy from the Gorkha Durbar, the famous Qazis do not seem to have died in time. During the reign of King Ranbahadur Shah, a very skeptical figure in Nepali history, some crocodiles also fell when the famous princes were killed in a fit of rage.

According to Gyanmani Nepal's 'Mahabharat of Nepal' (2052: 48-49), Kirtiman Singh Basnet was Mulkaji when Ran Bahadur Shah's Mahili Maharani Suvarna Prabha was powerful in the court. He thought of breaking up with the queen. Basnet left the palace at night and was going home on the way to Hattisar. On 6 September 1858, he was beheaded by Nirkanjan Khawas and Samadatta Shahi. The killers fled.

Suvarna Prabha called a meeting. The Chautaris Sher Bahadur Shahi and Bam Shah raised questions about Kirtiman Singh's assassination, but no one was able to speak. Shrikrishna Shah, Bidur Shahi and Kazi Damodar Pandey, who were under suspicion in the murder plot, were rescued. Ranjit Pandey, Rankeshar Pandey, Garbhu Khawas and Indrasingh Khawas were killed.

Three Magar officials were also involved in the incident. Among them, Sardar Pratiman Rana was hacked to death. Devdatta Thapa Magar was blindfolded and Prabal Rana was imprisoned in an iron cage.

Among them Kazi Devdatta Thapa Magar and Pratiman Rana B.Sc. It is known from reading the mouthpiece of the Department of Archeology, 'Ancient Nepal', number 24 (Shravan, 2030: 3) that he led the Nepalese delegation to the Chinese capital with the gift after the war against China and the war fought jointly by China after 1846 BS.

Accordingly, it can be understood that these two Magars also played the role of Nepali Ambassador in the early stages of the expansion of Nepal's international relations. Looking at page 2 of the same issue of this mouthpiece, Sardar Prabal Rana and Bhaskar Rana fought in Kerung during Nepal's war against Tibet and China.

According to Gyanmani Nepal's 'Mahabharat of Nepal' (2052: 56-57), Prabal Rana, who later saved the country, decided to flee the country to save his life. When King Ran Bahadur Shah returned to Nepal after Kashibas, he had accompanied Damodar Pandey to Thankot to welcome him. He was arrested along with Damodar and remanded in custody in Bhadrakali. He advised Damodar to flee at night, but Damodar refused to flee. He escaped on the pretext of diarrhea and reached Gorakhpur to save his life.

During the power struggle between Maharani Rajendra Laxmi and her brother-in-law Rajkumar Bahadur Shah at the palace, Sarbajit Rana, who was appointed as Mulkaji from Rajendra Laxmi, also had to be cut down and die prematurely. According to Gyanmani Nepal's 'Mahabharat of Nepal' (2052: 19-20), at the request of Guru Gajraj Mishra, Bahadur Shah, who was in jail at that time, was released from bondage but he was powerless. At the same time, it was rumored that the queen had an affair with Kazi Sarvajeet. V.S. In August 1835, Bahadur Shah, with the help of his uncle Daljit Shah and Bhardar Shri Harsh Pantha, forced the eight guards to surround the palace. Rajendra Laxmi was imprisoned on the same charge with a silver nail. After this, Bahadur Shah became Sarvesarva.

Prithvinarayan Shah's policy was not to kill his henchmen, but to send them to a difficult battle even if they had made a mistake. However, although Bahadur Shah seems to have adopted many of his father's policies, he seems to have failed in the assassination. He has a history of cutting off Kazi Swarup Singh Karki as well as Kazi Sarbajit Rana.Magar in armed rebellion

Kazi Abhiman Singh Rana, who became the first victim of the Kot Festival, shouted at Sangeen after his piercing his chest, "Gagan Singh's killer is Jange". He openly started the internal preparations for the war against Jang Bahadur by taking his name.

Reading Year 12 Issue 5 (December 1980: 72-75) of the Regmi Research Series, it is learned that Lakhan had given the post of General to Jaysingh Chumi Magar, Biraj Thapa Magar, Juthya Thapa Magar and Jitman Gurung to assassinate Jung Bahadur.

At that time, Lakhan also built a fort-like house surrounded by a wall eight cubic wide and 16 cubic high. He was promoted to B.Sc. On 26 March 1932, the Bhote Army, equipped with shields and swords, also joined. He planned to make Upendra Bikram Shah king and to become the second person, the prime minister, and to assassinate Jang Bahadur in Tarku and Manangbesi. If that did not work out, they would go to Tibet to seek help.

The mouthpiece of the Department of Archeology, Ancient Nepal (April 2031: 15-16), mentions khan Thapa as the incarnation of Lakhan Thapa in the Gorkha area.

However, as mentioned there, I will worship here like the first Lakhan Thapa. When the five build a house and come to the house of the second Lakhan Thapa to worship Manakamana from the village, people will stop worshiping Manakamana. What is clear from this is that Lakhan was not a scoundrel but was popular at that time.

Jang Bahadur's son Padma Jung Rana, in the streets of Gorkha, disguised as a jogi, condemned Lakhan Thapa for looting the people, semi-insane, traitor and revolutionary. However, he also mentioned that Lakhan Thapa has succeeded in building 15 hundred companies, i.e. 15 companies. If Padma Jung's language is to be believed, is it possible for the so-called 'one-maniac and a robber' to build such a large military force?

Thus, Lakhan Thapa, along with some of his colleagues, shouted against the then ruler Jung Bahadur, who was sucking the blood and sweat of the then Nepali people by initiating worldly rule, drafting racist laws and serving the imperialist power. Sacrifice had to be made on February 2, 1933. Jang Bahadur had mobilized the Devidatta platoon and arrested Lakhan and his associates and sentenced them to death at Thapathali Durbar.

When Lakhan revolted in such a systematic manner, he may have recalled the political legacy established by his Magar ancestors, which ended after the loneliness of Jung Bahadur.

Due to the significant number of Magars participating in the Maoist People's War and its main base areas being Rolpa and Rukum, the Magars may have dared to take up arms against tyranny like him, remembering the legacy of their pro-rebel Lakhan Thapa.

Magar Kul Pooja (Kul Pooja _II)

This article is taken from a book named " Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology" Author Name: Prakash Prasad Sapkota

Note: No editing is done by me in this article. 

 Rituals of Magars

All the communities of the world have their own ritual system, formal action and behavior. The life cycle ritual action and behavior of Brahmin-Chhetry, Rai-limbu, Gurung and Magar is different from each other within Nepal, but the ultimate aim is the same i.e. happiness of supreme power, ancestral god. Although, Magars appear similar, their way of performing life-cycle rituals differ from one another according to their geological as well as inherited cultural activities from their ancestors. The birth of an individual is a truth of the beginning of life that brings a person into existence in a group and community member. After the birth in socialization process, it needs to undergo some rituals for its coming future. Worshipping gods and their ancestors is one of the main activities of the Magar community. The newly born child should pass Chhaiti, Nawaran, Bhat khuwai, Chhewar, Marriage and many other ceremonies as well as rites and rituals.

Kul Puja

Worshipping ancestors is the main activity of many caste and ethnic groups. In Brahmin community worshipping kuldeuta is to make ancestors happy and sacrificing he goat, purified rice pudding and flat bread prepared by rice flour. Newar sacrifice goat, chicken, eggs for their ancestor. Similarly Thulung Rai sacrificed previously human blood and kalo jureli but letter they changed into chicken and pigs. Similarly, worshipping kuldeuta is carried out by sacrificing male sheep, cock, pigs, he-goat and other bird species such as pigeons by the Magar of Karnali region (Magar, 2008). In the study area Chiple and Serwai Magar sacrifice chicken and black pigs for their ancestors. The Magars inhabitant of different geographical area give different names such as Kot puja, Brahma puja, Jhakri puja, Barah puja, Kulami puja for their ancestral god. In the study area the Magars use the word Kul puja and Pitri puja.

 

The key element of this ritual lies in sacrifice. It’s taken for granted that offering blood is the effective way to initiate the existence. By offering blood, human being achieved their desired goal. They sacrifice as the ritual killing of substitutes as a way of ensuring contact and communication with ancestors. They employ the symbolism of killing, the shedding of blood in minute qualities to bring about rebirth of the original order and revitalization. For Magar the original effective rite was a blood sacrifice laying the model for later rites which work by communicating with the ancestors with the appropriate blood offering. These rites of Magar can be compared with Vedic and classical Indian sacrifices, in which every act of sacrifice refers back to the creation of  the world. Every sacrifice may be said to replicate the primal act of Prajapati who produced creation by the sacrificial dismemberment of his own body… Any sacrifice… (Parry,1982). The effectiveness of the communication which is linked to its correct performance is similar to the Brahmanism tradition in which in its very carrying out, the order of the world is reproduced and maintained. The right order of sacrifice is, and assures the right order of the world (Herrenschmidt, 1982 cited by Hardman, 2000).

 

According to respondents, their ancestral god must be Chandi Baraha because he accepts pig sacrifice. There is not clear cut demarcation of the years for Kulpuja. In the study area, there is variation in the years of Kulpuja between the Magar clans. Generally, they arrange Kulpuja at the alternate year of 3, 5, 7 or 9 according to their condition. At the last of December or January’s bright half of a lunar month on Wednesday or Friday they arrange this ritual. The small branch of Jhakro is kept on the tap on bath in the morning on that day. The house is purified and smeared by the oil of sesamum’s (Sesamum indicum) seeds.

 

The already prepared pure Jaman (unpurified local wine- called jand), pure rice and ginger are eaten in the late morning. In the mid noon at twelve o’clock, all the members gather in the place of kulpuja. There is not any temple or fixed place for kulpuja. The  clan assembles in an area and elder member determine the place in every ritual time. The older and knowledgeable member of Magar prepares a hut of titepati (Artemisia vulgaris). The side of the hut is covered by the broad leaves of bhorlo (Bauhinia vahlii). The hut has two steps, upper and lower. The ladder of Jhakro is kept against the hut to join two steps. Hens or cocks are also hung oppositely near the ladder of big branch of katus (Castanopsis indica). In the corner of the hut, hangs a chino (a dry cover of the gourd pot). Inside the chino pot they put barley and sesamum’s seeds. Near the ladder, the effigy of kul debata is prepared by the mixture of rice, barley, sesames seeds, ghee etc. When the hens shake their feathers clearly, the people of Magars feel that the god is happy, then after they start the puja. The old and knowledgeable member of Magar worships their kul debata (ancestral god) with aacheta, pati, cooked rice, pure wine and flowers. At the end of worship, a lively heart of black pig is offered by him to their god. The ritual rule is that, if pig is female, the chicken must be male or vice-versa. From each family at least a chicken and a black pig must be sacrificed in that ritual. At the nearly end of worship, the priest or other older people catch the branch of Jhakro and tremble with speaking their past, present as well as occurring future events of their family members. This situation is more terrible for all the members of the family because they believe that god is speaking, who has occult powers. After the end of worship, the priest puts tika to all the members. According to their respected level within their clan, they divide the different parts of the main sacrifices pig and chickens. Then they go to their home. They eat meat, rice, wine and share happiness to all the members (Sapkota, 2010).

 

Kulpuja and Plants

We, humans are heterotrophic organism and totally depend up on the plants and animals for our foods. Plants have been used by human from the early beginning of the civilization and developed to agricultural settlement continuously. Plants and their parts are used for food, timber, fuel, fibers, cloths, medicine etc. by the people according to the nature of the species. People continuously gained and accumulated the knowledge about plants and their proper use. They categories plants in to fuel, foods, timber, fibers, medicine, fuel, oil and recreation. The challenge of accumulation and preservation of knowledge about ecotone species as well as medicinal plant species are linked in certain rituals as well as ceremonies.

In the Himalaya, most of the people live in villages and use plants as medicine, edible/food, fuel, timber, agricultural tools and various other purposes. Age old traditional  values attached with the various forest and varieties of forest products have gained tremendous importance in the present, particularly medicinal plants (Rana Man & Samant, 2011 Uaha & Gyal, 2011). The elders are the information and processing unit of a society. They are valued because they maintain the old tradition, customs, religion and kinship systems that are imperative to the group's survival in a difficult region. They play an important role in traditional medicine in that most often they act as healers, diviners and herbalist.

 

Like other ethnic/caste groups of the world, Lohorung Rai use waiphu (Castinopsis tribuloides), moss species and lichen, leaf of banana titepati(Artemisia Vulgaris). If waiphu is not available they use waiphoo (Castonopsis indica) (Hardman, 2000). Similarly, Brahmin and Chhetri use tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), kush (Desmostachya bipinnata), jau (Hordium vulgare), til (Sesamum indicum) titepati (Artemisia vulgaris), bhringraja (Wedelia calendulacea) for their death ritual for the worship their ancestors to join the soul of death body. In the study area Magar use titepati, jhakro, til, katus, jau, aadua (Zinger officinalis), bhorla (Bauhinia vahlii), basar (turmeric sp. tulsi). The above mentioned plant species are more useful for medicinal value. It indicates that people are afraid with illness and illness is mainly occurred due to the evil eyes of the ancestors if they become anger. If important medicinal plants are linked with ancestor’s activities, the plant species can easily preserve on one hand and transfer knowledge for coming generation in the socialization process. Similar understanding is found in the study area.

 Behavior of Magars in Kulpuja

They purify the house and clothes by cleaning and washing. The members of the house purify themselves by bathing. They take purified rice at a time in a day with ginger, milk and curd only with emotionally. Emotions are the primary source of human motivation. If emotions are simultaneously viewed as cultural concepts, they become important as statements about and motivations for the enactment of cultural values. If motivation is seen as culturally constituted, study of the emotions and their development becomes crucial for understanding the psychosocial origins of behavior (Hallowell, 1955; cited in Hardman, 2000). This behavior is most important and restricted within the Magar community within the period of time. It reflects the taboo but it is important for the health and sanitation because houses, clothes, using materials and body should remain purified by eating, cleaning and bathing behavior using herbal medicinal plants i.e. jhakro. The oldest and knowledgeable member completes the bathing activity early in the morning at 3 AM, but there is no restriction to use local liquor. He remains near the hut (temporarily prepared temple of ancestor) and all other members remain somewhat far emotionally watching the spreading of feathers of the vertically downward hung chickens on the strong branch of katus. The priest worships with the mixture of aacheta, til, barley and flowers continuously on hanging chicken which spread their feathers strongly. At that time, all the members said kul aaya, kul aaya… emotionally and feel their ancestral god present there in the temple. The priest prays the ancestor:

The chickens are in your bandhan (confinement). We bring them for sacrifice. We are starting to sacrifice for our names. It is yours, you accept or not: it is up to you.

 

Then they start to sacrifice the chicken. They take out the heart and lever, fry it and offer for their kuldauta. Then, from the ventral surface of the black pig, a live heart is taken by the strong male people, symbol of active and brave within their member. The priest as well as the member of the Magar shows the innocent behavior with their ancestral god and the priest prays their god and says-

“O god! We sacrifice a black pig and chicken for you, transfer by our ancestors is in your name. We hope all the materials are purified. You are well known which activity and material are purified and which ones are funeral. If there is any funeral activity, please bless us.

 

The members of Magar as well as priest pray and say:

We offer black pig’s heart, heart and lever of chicken and all other materials in pure form and we ourselves remain pure as far as possible. Please, ancestral god what do you feel and say or show us in any symbol.

 

Some time letter after the prayer, the priest expresses his statements on the basis of scent and his just emerged thinking in his mind. The members of the Magar feel god enters within the priest so he expresses what is happening in their future will be good or bad. All the members of Magar remain egger to hear with fear as well as expectation for their future life activities.

 

From the above behavioral activities it is clear that the members of Magar totally believe in supreme power. On one hand they are able to take the living heart from the pig and feel brave, on the other hand they show fear and emotion to describe attitudes towards ancestor, elders, and parents as a response to illness or troubles. They remain innocent, weak and helpless with their ancestral god and believe that the unfortunate activities which are coming in their future are blocked by their ancestral happiness.

Role of women

In kulpuja ritual, the women actively participate in the purifying activities. Bathing of cloths, cleaning of house, preparation of Jaman , local liquor; managing of foods for their family members as well as their guests who are invited to celebrate kulpuja are mainly performed by women. Though, the women are the eldest member of the community, there is not any role in the worshiping ancestral temple and sacrificing activities. In the next day of kulpuja they arrange a party. The invited people of the community gather in the house. In the house the role of daughters, son in law and daughter in law is higher to prepare yellow rice, meat, pickles, dal and wine. When asked to a respondent about the use of besar (Turmeric sp) in rice and make yellow color, she replied that it checks the evil eye. The besar is one of the most important herbal medicines called as sarva aausadi in Hindu mythology. All the members of house do their work according to their responsibilities. Elder father and mother respect their invited people and prefer wine. The daughter, son, daughter in law and son in law prepare food continuously. At first, they provide wine, meat and pickle for elder respective people. When the elder guests finish the  given food and then supply the yellow rice, dal curry and pickle. The satisfied guests give thanks for their management. On the basis of age and respected level, the shifting of eating people and food items are managed carefully. I participated and observed this ritual activity from 10.50 am to 5.00 pm of that day. The women managed and completed the ceremony actively and wonderfully!

 

Kulpuja : Ritual and Cohesive Force

 

Kulpuja ritual is the most important ritual among the different caste and ethnic group of Nepal. Similar with other ethnic group, the Magar of Languan it plays vital role to bind strongly the relationship between the members. In the kulpuja ritual all the members gather in the sacrifice place. Almost all the members use local wine. On one hand they gather and renew their relation, share the activities of their past life, present situation and also coming way of life. On the other hand, they share their feeling to  each other though they are negative or positive and become one. 

The members also participate in the discussion of their activities about the ritual which is being celebrated from their ancestors, its process and positive as well as negative impact, its improvement and change also. They actively discuss about the role of the Magar members in the developmental activities within their society, their identities and relation with other caste. Present context and its impact on their own rule and regulation and changing patterns etc. An eldest member Dil Bahadur Thapa Magar worriedly says:

The children don't take good thinking (kura) and leave their own culture and accept others fusion easily. Though, they studied IA and BA they have no knowledge about the good way to spend daily life. He adds children are not allowed to use salt a day in a death ritual. They need to bathe daily and also start to marry with their own blood related sisters. They leave duties and responsibility but focus on personal facilities. How can they struggle with their coming life and environment in this behavior? I have given suggestions for change in that society but unless the people make efforts themselves it is not possible. All the members should give their efforts for the development of a society with own cultural identity.

 

Most of the elder members of the Magar, feel the binding force between the members is deteriorating continuously in the coming generation in the name of modernization.

This is where Indian 'micro management' begins.

 

Source: www.onlinekhabar.com

The People's Revolution of 2007 had just been completed. King Tribhuvan Rana was not in the mood to work with Prime Minister Mohan Samsher for long. He wanted to see the leader from the people's revolution as the prime minister.

Indian Ambassador Chandreshwar Prasad Narayan (CPN) Singh, who had a good understanding of King Tribhuvan's state of mind, suddenly appeared in an active role. And, by playing the role of the Prime Minister, he played the role of the Congress President Matrika Prasad Koirala.

However, he was a major 'actor' in Kathmandu when the armed movement against the Rana regime was in full swing. The late BP Koirala, who took refuge in the Indian embassy in New Delhi at Singh's suggestion after the Congress' plan to remove King Tribhuvan from Narayanhiti to Palpa was thwarted, has mentioned in his book 'My Life Has Not Failed'.

After the success of the 2007 revolution, New Delhi sent Govinda Narayan as King Tribhuvan's secretary. Ambassador Singh then became even more powerful.

It is said that every ambassador lies for his national interest. Singh followed the same belief.

The Khukuri Dal scandal led by Bharat Samsher was aimed at assassinating BP Koirala, who was the Home Minister in Mohan Samsher's government on behalf of the Congress. Chiniyakaji, a supporter of Bharat Samsher, was killed by a bullet fired by BP.

BP resigned as Home Minister on moral grounds and the government fell. Tribhuvan wanted the Congress to lead the new government. Indian Ambassador Singh played in the middle. And, despite the official decision of the Congress, BP could not become the Prime Minister.

Ambassador Singh said, "Matrika Babu is also the party president and BP's brother." I have just received a message from Delhi. Nehru told Tribhuvan that he liked his mother and father.

Ambassador Singh hastily met Matrika Prasad and taught him the subject. And, suggested to make yourself a claimant. It is from this point that Nepali politics leaked out through the manipulation of the Indian ambassador. And, from the same point of view, India also got involved in micro-management.

In her greed for the post, Matrika violated the party system and asked the king to make her the prime minister. From the same point, the quarrel in the Congress led to the expulsion of Matrika, Mahendra Bikram Shah, Narad Muni Thulung and Mahavir Samsher from the party.

Matrika Prasad, who formed the Rastriya Praja Party on April 29, 2010, then withdrew from mainstream politics. His obsession with becoming the Prime Minister for the second time during Tribhuvan's tenure gradually tarnished his political 'career'.

Ambassador Singh, on the other hand, wanted the dominance of the Rana, who had agreed to the 1950 treaty, to remain. And, one of India's 'puppet' prime ministers wanted to be appointed in Nepal.

It was Singh who persuaded King Tribhuvan to join the Indian Army Mission in Nepal in 1952 under the pretext of training the then Royal Nepalese Army.

The late senior politician Shri Bhadra Sharma in his book 'Some Memories with BP' mentions the non-diplomatic move of Indian Ambassador CPN Singh: 'BP called me one morning. As we were eating breakfast, the lion came standing still in front of our table, with no prior notice or permission. As soon as he came, he said, "Look, Mr. Koirala, we had some important things to say to you." BP was furious at his unexpected arrival. He also said in the same vertical style as him, who gave you this far? No information, no permission. Go, just sit down in the meeting, right now I'm talking to them about something very important. '

According to Sharma's book, Singh not only considered himself an ambassador, but also the Sarvesarva of Nepal and the ministers here as his subordinates.

In particular, there was strong dissatisfaction in Tribhuvan over Mohan Samsher's signing of the 1950 treaty. The unequal treaty between Nepal and India has been signed by Rana Prime Minister Mohan Samsher and Indian Ambassador Singh. Nepal's efforts to change the treaty aimed at perpetuating the Rana regime are still ongoing.

Himalayas poised for a series of big earthquakes, says study (Nepal Earthquake - II)

 

The entire Himalayan arc is poised to produce a sequence of great earthquakes, and the next big quake -- of the magnitude of 8 or above -- may occur during our lifetimes, according to a study reviewing geological, historical, and geophysical data.

The human toll of such an event in the densely populated countries across the arc is likely to be unprecedented, the researchers said.

The study notes that the sequence of future Himalayan earthquakes could be similar to the great earthquakes that occurred in the twentieth century along the Aleutian subduction zone, which extends from the Gulf of Alaska to Kamchatka in Russian Far East.

The review, which appeared in the journal Seismological Research Letters in August, used basic geological principles --stratigraphic analysis, structural analysis, soils analysis, and radiocarbon analysis -- to estimate the size and timing of prehistoric earthquakes and evaluate future risk.

"The entire Himalayan arc extending from the eastern boundary of Arunachal Pradesh (India) in the east to Pakistan (in the west) has in the past been the source of great earthquakes," study author Steven G. Wesnousky told PTI.

"These earthquakes will occur again and scientifically, it would not be a surprise if the next great earthquake occurred in our lifetimes. But the resolution of our studies is at best on the order of 100 years, longer than a human lifetime," said Wesnousky, a professor of geology and seismology and director of the Center for Neotectonic Studies at the University of Nevada at Reno, US.

Seismologist Supriyo Mitra noted that the research matches previous studies.

"The research is a comprehensive review of paleoseismological studies of past Himalayan earthquakes and a forecast of the future events based on the findings," said Mitra, a professor in the department of Earth sciences at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISER) Kolkata.

"The Himalayan faults, as shown in the paper, are poised to produce an 8-plus magnitude earthquake. So yes, we are staring at a big one in the future. How far from now no one can tell," Mitra, who was not involved in the study, told PTI.

Prior studies have examined the rate of strain accumulation that is occurring along the Himalayan arc from satellite observations.

In the latest study, the timing and size of most recent prehistoric earthquakes were defined from geology.

The methodology directly applies geologic principles to defining the past size and timing of earthquakes recorded by sediments broken and deformed by earthquake offsets at sites along the length of the Himalayan Frontal Thrust, Wesnousky said.

Satellites can help in finding the location of active earthquake faults but unable to provide any information on the past timing and size of earthquakes on those faults, he said.

"These observations taken together are telling us that sufficient strain has accumulated along virtually the entire arc to again produce great earthquakes as we observe in the geologic record," Wesnousky explained.

Major cities along and close to the Himalayan frontal thrust include Chandigarh and Dehradun in India; and Kathmandu, Nepal.

Strong and damaging shaking in such great quakes could extend southward as far as India's capital, Delhi, one of the largest cities in the world with a population of more than 11 million, Wesnousky added.

North India has witnessed many earthquakes of small magnitude in the past four months, raising popular speculation about a big one in the region.

However, he said, scientists have yet to find a systematic relationship between the occurrence of small earthquakes and the timing of greater earthquakes in the future.

"These small earthquakes are thousands of times smaller than the great earthquakes we are studying," he said.

Source: www.deccanherald.com

I had posted a similar post in 2010 and 2015 happened.

The things are still not changed, hope our government and peoples are ready for it.  

Article on Magar Language (Magar Bhasa III)

Why is Tika and Jamara used in Dashain? (Dashain for Magars - III) (Translated in English)

Source: https://www.setopati.com/social/220016 

Author: Binu Pokharel 

Mia Patan in Kaski is a Muslim-majority village. At one time there were chiefs named Rahmad Ali and Mohammad Mia. Around ten o'clock, people of all castes including Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Gurungs and Magars of the village used to go to meet the chief with omens. The tenth festival of the Hindus started here only after offering sagun in the courtyard of the Muslim chief.

Citing this 'exemplary' tradition prevalent in the village of non-believers, says culturist Jagman Gurung:

The case of Mia Patan is an example.

There are many such features, which elevate Dashain from the perimeter of Hinduism and establish it as a cultural festival.

Otherwise, why is our 'Dashain' different from 'Dussehra' celebrated by Hindus in India?

They worship Durga like us, why don't they wear red acacia on their foreheads and yellow jamara on their heads like us?

Why do we equate red, white and black vaccines at ten o'clock?

Why do we chant the names of the characters of Mahabharata and Ramayana with the blessing of Tika?

Carrying these and many other questions related to Dashain, we met two senior culturologists - Tejeshwar Babu Gwang and Jagman Gurung. What they say helps to understand tithing as a religious festival but basically as our cultural festival.

First of all, let's start with the Tika and Jamara to be applied on the tenth.

If Tika and Jamara are removed, there will be no significant difference between our Dashain and India's 'Dussehra'. Hindus in India celebrate Navratri on Dussehra. On the day of Vijaya Dashami, they do not get the blessings of the elders by wearing Tika and Jamra like us. If it was just a religious festival, the basic way of celebrating our tithe would not be so different.

Cultural expert Jagman, Dashain considers it a 'culture associated with war'.

According to him, the tenth festival is the eve of the battle, when the peasant soldiers are preparing to enter the battlefield. He associates the practice of cleaning weapons and worshiping during Navratri.

'After the rains stopped and autumn started, the farmers were free from farming. Then they would bring in crops and prepare for battle. He cleaned all the weapons he had and put them together. Then the same weapon was worshiped. On the day of Vijaya Dashami, he used to anoint his arms with the water of the pot kept in Ghatsthapana. It was customary to apply yoghurt and rice on the forehead and go out for war exercises with joy, 'he says.

Jagman argues that the tenth is a continuation of the war tradition.

Even today, on the day of flowering, it is customary to collect old weapons such as khukuri and khunda and make a joint and decorate it with red and white flags and establish it with Goddess Durga. This method is called 'Durga Jagaune'. Durga itself is a 'form of power'.

The next day, on the day of Ashtami, goats are sacrificed along with the rising sun. Somewhere the sound of the city, somewhere the melody of Malsiri is the tenth proclamation. Jagman associates the practice of sacrifice with 'worship of power.' He said that the tunes of Nagara and Malsiri were played to increase the morale of the army.

"The method of celebrating the tenth day gives a glimpse of the war," he says.

He gave the example of the Malsiri tune resounding in the Kathmandu Valley and the tenth tradition celebrated by the Newars here.

On Ashtami day, it is customary to go to Kot with Malsiri tune and kill. At one time, the Newars of Kathmandu used to walk around the city wearing white feta on their heads and not wearing white robes. "It's a kind of reflection of war preparations," he said.

Not only in Kathmandu Valley, but also in other parts of the country.

In the Gandak region, Gurungs, Magars and other tribes carry khunda and khukuri. People of any caste are not barred from participating in it. According to Jagman, this practice, which is called 'cursing', gives a glimpse of war practice.

He also associates the tenth commentary with fighting.

At that time, it was customary to strike at Deurali or Devithan in the hills before going to war. The blood from the animal's throat was collected in a plate. And, so it was mixed with rice and tika as 'Prasad of Goddess Shaktiki'. Here rice is used as a symbol of 'indestructible grain', he said.

"Wounds are destruction, intact is indestructible," he said. "Rice may have been vaccinated as indestructible grain."

In this way, we, who thinks tika  is mixed with blood at some point, have not started tika with red rice all at once. Meanwhile, Jagman said that Gurung, Magar, Rai, Limbu, Tamang, Newar and other tribes from Khas Arya to Khas Arya used to get white vaccine.

He considers the dispute between red and white tika useless.

"It simply came to our notice then. Today we say that only the tribes get the white tika. Even the tribes who have started getting red Tika have returned to white saying their identity. In fact, not only the Janajati, but also the Khas Arya is using a white tika, 'he said.

He argues that red tika cannot be a fundamental tradition here as Nepal does not have its own product.

"If we import Abir from India today, where will we get it then?" He said, "Instead, the Newars of Kathmandu Valley may have included Abir in the course of trade and included it in the tika."

He said that the practice of giving red tika may be on the rise due to the increasing Indian influence. He has his own argument on how the Brahmins and Kshatriyas moved from white to red but the tribes remained white.

The migration of Brahmins and Kshatriyas was already intense. In the same vein they used Abir got to do

"Aesthetically, the red tika looks better than white, so its effect may be increasing," said Jagman. "The tribes lived in the hills." They had to move around a lot to use Abir. Eventually, they began to consider white as their identity. '

Here, the statements of Jagman Gurung and another culturologist Tejeshwar Babu Gwangah are somewhat contradictory, some are similar.

Tejeshwar Babu considers Tika culture as a method associated with agriculture rather than war preparation.

'This festival is associated with our agriculture. Nepal is still a place of flourishing golden earrings. It is still customary to worship the new crop introduced at the Tika site with the arrival of autumn. The method of vaccinating rice is connected with this practice, 'he said.

He gave the example of the method of worshiping Lakshmi on the day of Lakshmi Puja by placing all kinds of grains including paddy, wheat, maize, soybean, corn in separate pots. He said, 'Agriculture is the basic thing of culture. It's a celebration of how people are making a living, that's how culture develops around the world. '

He compares growing a house to a small farm. He says that it reflects the importance of agriculture in our livelihood. Tejeshwar Babu takes it as makeup to cover the jamara and make it yellow.

Jagman's view on Jamara is no different.

'Barley is a strong grain. Therefore, the practice of sowing jamara may have started to pre-test the soil and estimate the yield of seeds, 'said Jagman.

In the red and white commentary controversy, Tejeshwar Babu's argument does not agree with Jagman's.

He associates the practice of vaccination with the community's ancestral tradition.

'Suryavanshis who worship the light of the sun wear a red tika to match its warm and warm rays. While the Chandravanshis who worship the moon wear white vaccines like its cool and white rays, 'said Tejeshwar Babu.

He said that white tika was practiced in Newar of Kathmandu Valley till Mallaka.

'In the Kathmandu Valley, it was customary to give white tika till later. The Kirants also wore white. All of them are from Chandravanshi, 'he said. It was a nighttime trend towards Gandak area. After conquering the Kathmandu Valley during the expansion of the state, Prithvinarayan and his brothers-in-law came with a red tika. It gradually lost the practice of vaccinating people from Kathmandu.

Tejeshwar Babu says that it is still customary in his family to get white tika. He says, "We have started imitating the red tika."

Speaking of tika tradition, in Newar culture, it is customary to wear black tika along with red, which is called 'Mohini'. In the Newar language, the tenth is called Mohini. Inside the shrine of Dashain, a lamp is lit in Salincha and covered with smoke. Mohini is prepared by removing the same smoked part.

Cultural expert Tejeshwar Babu sees two reasons for the black tika.

First, wearing black under a white or red vaccine brightens a person's beauty. He says that the word 'Mohini' comes from 'Mohini'.

Second, just as it is customary to vaccinate children so that they do not have a negative effect when they are taken out of the house.

Jagman Gurung also pointed out the third reason.

'Kathmandu is a tantric city. The Newari culture here is Tantra-oriented, 'he said.' Black commentary plays a big role in Tantra. Mohini may have come from the same tantric method. '

He took the red tika on Mohini as a symbol of victory.

Another question we had with Dashain was: Why do we keep the names of the characters of Mahabharata and Ramayana in the blessings of Tika?

Do you know what is meant by blessing the tika?

Ayur Dronasute, Shriyo Dasharathe, Shatrukshayo Raghave,

Aishwarya Nahushe, Gatishcha Pavane, Manashcha Duryodhana.

Shauryam Shantanve, Balan Haldhare, Satyanch Kuntisute,

Vijnanam Vidure, Bhavantu Bhavatan, Kirtishcha Narayane.

That is,

Ayur Dronsute (Long live like Drona's son Ashwatthama)

Shriyo Dasharatha (get credit like Dasharatha)

Shatrukshayo Raghve (May the enemy be destroyed like Ramchandra)

Aishwarya Nahushe (Be Aishwarya like Nahush Raja)

Dynamic wind (be like the wind)

Manashch Duryodhana (Earn value like Duryodhana)

Shaurya Shantanve (May the son of the sun be as generous as Karna)

Ball haldhare (be strong like halodhari balaram)

Satyanch Kuntisute (Speak the truth like Kunti's son)

Science Vidure, Bhavantu Bhavatan (Like Vidura, science should be understood, scripture should be understood)

Kirtishch Narayana (Gaining fame like Lord Narayan)

Cultural expert Jagman says this blessing is associated with war.

He said that this was done with the intention of wishing that the warriors who go to war would have power like the characters of Ramayana and Mahabharata and thus be able to defeat the enemy.

'We have read that the whole state was empty in those battles. At that time, many people lost their lives due to the war. Many became widows. Some lost their children. How many parents? Such a catastrophic humanitarian catastrophe had devastated not only the family but the entire nation. The name may have been used to gain power like the characters of Ramayana and Mahabharata wars so that the same situation does not happen again, 'said Jagman.

He says that such a blessing adds encouragement and enthusiasm to the mentally depressed people and continues to this day.

Another special of our Dasain It is also Durga Puja. In India, Bengalis worship Durga. Elsewhere, 'Dussehra' is celebrated as a celebration of Rama's victory over 'Asuraka Raja' Ravana. In this process, it is customary to burn the idol of Ravana by setting up pandals in some places.

Jagman does not consider the cremation of Ravana's idol to be the original culture of Nepal.

According to him, this is a culture developed in the plains along the Ganges in India. However, he considers Durga Puja to have developed in the hilly region of Nepal.

"Idol burning is an imported culture," he said.

Today, the Dasain festival is celebrated by burning the idol of Ravana in the Terai region bordering India. For some time now, we have seen the burning of Ravana's idol in Kathmandu.

Jagman argues that the beginning of the Dasain culture associated with war and the worship of Durga was started by the hill tribes.

The basis of his argument is also the battle-relationship of the Dasain.

At that time, the hill tribes were the front line in the army. Before going to the battlefield, the tribe was given the responsibility of killing the victims. According to Jagman, they have been given such responsibility as they are of good nature.

Based on this argument, he says, 'Tithing is the culture of the tribes. The practice of injecting blood into the akshata after sacrificing has started from the tribes. It is a misinterpretation of the glory of our own ancestors to come out now and call Dasain a Brahmin-Kshatriya festival in the name of seeking originality. '

"Our tithe is so special that it shows high respect for all castes," Jagman said.

Tejeshwar Babu also considers the tenth culture as the 'property' of Nepalis.

'All the people of the world have adopted the culture according to the environment and environment of their country. Every culture has its own tolerance. The practice of vaccinating and depositing in the tenth is a fundamental privilege that we own, 'he said. 

Magar Bhasa - II

As I was going through my blog content, I have observed that' Magar Bhasa' is one of the favourite article among viewers. Though I was trying to further expand the article, I was not able to do so. But finally here is the one.

The best part of it is this is my original compilation. I have tried my best to do with the translation. First line is Magar, then Nepali and then English.

One thing to note here is this is Dhut Magar, which is mainly speaking in Syangja region because as I myself is from Syangja.

Muni
Basnus
Sit down

Ilak muni
Yeta basnus
Sit here

Ulak muni
Uta basnus
Sit there

Di gani
Pani khanus
Drink water

Chho jani
Bhat khanu
Have food

Kulak hwa cha la
Kata hindeko
Where r u going.

Kulaking raha cha la
Kata bata aako ho
Where are you coming from

Hoo lak nanni
Uta najanu
Please don’t go there

Nga ke nadaani
Malai nachodnu
Please don’t leave me

Seni ta
Sunnu ta
Please listen

Ilak seni
Yeta sunnu
Listen to me

Maak maak muni
Nabolnu
Please shut up

Sen
Kahile
When

Pihin aapaharin
Bholi parsi
Tomorrow and day after tomorrow

Na dhat ni
Jhoot nabolnu
Please don’t lie

Ngai ma that cha la
Ma jhoot boleko hoina
I am not lying

Iss kut aala
Yo kasari ho
How to do it

Na se yas
Sunni vayo
Did you listen

Kut toh ko aala
Kasari ho
How to do it

Ngan ke dus ke raha ke la
Timi lai kaam ma saghaune ho
Do you need any help

Nga ta aajit nga chha nang
Ma timi bata dikka vaye
I am tired of you

Nangko kudik sheh cha ale
Hajur kati ramri hunu hun x
You look so beautiful

Ngai nahkoke jaklang
Timi malai ma parchho
I love you

Dherai nagaak ni
Dherai nabolnus
Don’t over speak

Cham cham raha chala
Bhakhar aako ho
I have just arrived

Cham cham
Bhakkharai
Just now

Masehacha
Naramro
Ugly

Lhinngani
Gana gaunu
Please sing

Madal ngahaani
Madal bajaunu
Play madal

Kherep rahani
Manik aaunu
Come to me

Kudik jhum cha la
Kati jado vako ho
It’s so cold

Chhining mala
Aaja hoina
Not today

Hos ke lagharitni
Uss lai dhapaunu
Throw him out

Chhining makai koh ke aan ke la
Aaja makai khanna jane ho
Today we will go to work in corn field

Chhito hwana
Chadai hunnu
Walk fast

 karung karung hwahni
Susta hindanu
Walk slow

Mhakang oosni
Tala hernu
Look down

Dhhemang oosni
Maathi heru
Look up

Namas raha
Pani aayo
It’s raining

Namsu suuwa
Batas chalo
It’s windy

Kangko muma ninga
Hami base chhau
We are taking rest

He noon ke la
Ke laane ho
What to take

Holaak tak ke la
Uuta poogane ho
We have to reach there

Kudik khan chal la
Kati gham vaako ho
It’s so hot

Kudik joom cha la
Kati jado vaako ho
It’s so cold

Issai pitani
Yo kholni
Take it off

Kudik thook cha la
Kati piro ho
It’s so spicy

He naamcha la
Ke gahana ko ho
What is this smell

Hos ke nasato
Tes lai namarnu
Please don’t kill

Hosko si li sa
Uni bitanu vaye chha
He is dead

Machhan cha kura
Nahune kura
Stupid thing

Mheh jomokani
Aago baalnu
Put fire

Isake cheni
Yas lai kaatni
Please cut it

Aala ki maala
Ho ki hoina
It’s not sure

Di nahaloni
Pani nafalnus
Don’t throw water

Disa saatke
Macha marna
To catch fish

Isai jimni
Yo samatnu
Hold this

Mheh gupni
Aago tapnu
Get warm

Chhahana
Vayo
It’s done

Anyone who wants more to know please do comment me.

Also, I will try to bring more sentence in the future. Magars who wants to learn the language can start practicing it.

Thanking you all.

Why did Prithvinarayan made Magars settle in Kathmandu? (Translated In English)

"Captain Ranadhwaj Rana's blood also flows in Kotparkav. Rana loses 'Captain Rana's property'. The captain's wife chaperons the children. The children are educated in Vanaras. Jung Bahadur Rana arrives in the UK with the blood of Kotparva. The king thinks that Jang Bahadur will rule the world." Jung Bahadur returns with the queer master and teaches 'COW Cow'. However, 'Cow' means 'Cow' to the British master 'Thaha Maru'.

The search for a master of cows begins. The seven chiefs reach Vanaras. Meet Ranadhwajputra Garudadhwaj. Rana orders, ‘Bring him to Kathmandu anyway.’ However, Rana rejects the offer, ‘I will not return to the place where my father was killed.’ The seven chiefs are exhausted. In the end, after a million attempts, Garuda sets three 'conditions': one - the return of all lost property, two - the post of captain of the slain father, three - Sindur Jatra on arrival in Kathmandu.

After the condition is accepted, Rana returns. Teaches at the Red Palace. Where to teach after class four? The school opens to teach five classes, Durbar High School. "Until 2042, I didn't know I was a Magar. After the formation of Langhali, Baba (Shantadhwaj) became the chairman of Makwanpur. I also joined the campaign, 'says Chandani Thapa, a Ranadhwaj Cheli and Lalitpur Magar women's president who was killed in Kotparva. Prithvinarayan Shah is one of the seven Qazis who fought when he captured the valley, Ranadhwaj Purkha. When he started returning after capturing Kathmandu, Prithvinarayan said, "Yes, who is mine?" Just stay here, 'Chandani tells the story of how her ancestors settled in Kathmandu,' Basantapur has been given a house behind the fire station. '

1. Sena's son Krishna Kumar Rana works at the Kirtipur Central Library without joining the war. Rana, 60, has one of four children in the United States, two of whom are masters and one of whom is a bank officer. ‘Our ancestors lived in the forest from Gorkha via Nuwakot. The ancestral home is Gorkha, but which village? I don't know, 'says Rana,' Prithvinarayan says he settled it. '

2. Singer Ravi Thapa Magar is saying to Anju Pant in the studio, ‘... I will spread all my happiness along the way.’ Magargaon is in the singing field without joining his ancestral war job. After Prithvinarayan Shah captured the Kathmandu Valley, he settled Ravi Purkha in Magargaon in Bhansepati. Where did the ancestor Gurkha come from? What are the ranks of the army? No instrument. There are two villages in the valley called Magargaon, Sanothimi and Bhansepati. In the name of these two villages, buses ply from the old bus park. Ravi Bhansepatiwala is from Magargaon. Although the name Magargaon is not written, there are about a dozen native Magargaon in the valley.

Magar encirclement of Kirtipur that could revolt

By exchanging the blood, sweat and blood of the Magar army, the Gurkha state spreads to the Kathmandu Valley. Makes Kathmandu the capital. Capturing the Magar army reaches the east. After the seizure of power, Prithvinarayan used the Magar army to save Kathmandu. For that, magar settlements are established in strategically important places of the valley.

The Gurkha army commits atrocities in Kirtipur. Nose cuts are cruel. What would have happened in Kirtipur if Rolpa still says 'Gorkha Pa-yo' to remind Rukum of the brutal massacre? Probably due to the fear of Kirtipur revolting, Prithvinarayan seems to have stationed the army around Kirtipur. There are Magar and Chhetri settlements around Kirtipur. From Champadevi to Vanasthali, Naikap is almost everywhere, 'says Rajendra Maharjan, a writer from Kirtipur.

Todah, Dhobighat, Balkhu, Vanasthali, Machhegaun, Chobhar, Magargaon, Toudah, Magar Raitane settlements of Naikap have almost turned into Kirtipur. "The Kirtipur uprising may have been stopped," says Balkh-based Magargaon and researcher Sanchandra Thapa Magar. The Magar army stationed in Balkhu has returned to the east fighting from Gorkha. He says he came from the east. The king has given a red seal and settled it, 'says Thapa. In Balkhu, there are now thirty Magar households, including Basnet, Hamal, Sanyasi, Nagarkoti and some Brahmins settled by Prithvinarayan. Balkhu is the main part connecting Kathmandu and Kirtipur. That is why crocodiles have been established in Balkhu.

Similarly, there is a Magars settlement at Dhobighat connecting Kirtipur and Patan. Magar settlements have been set up in places like Vanasthali, Matikhel and Naikap at the entrance of traders directly to Kirtipur through Thankot. "Prithvinarayan Shah settled the land from here to there," says Ravi Thapa Magar, a singer from Magargaon. There are kunwars in the west of Magargaon, Khadka in the east and Khatri in the middle. A little further on, Newarbasti, a small cough. There are about fifty houses near the forested settlement of Magar, including Khadka and Karki.

3. It is seen that Magar army settlements have been set up at Vanasthali, Naikap and Matikhel around Thankot, the main entry point of the valley for the security of the capital. Similarly, there are Magars settlements in Dhobighat, Balkhu, Dhapasi, Tilingatar and Magargaon in the inner part of the valley. Some of the Magar army who captured Bhadgaon 251 years ago are settled in Sanothimi. The name of the settlement remains, Magargaon. Apart from Magargaon, there are also Magars settlements in Changunarayan and Sipadol. Sanga, known as a trading hub for trade with Tibet, has a Magar settlement.

Sanothimiwala Magargaon, Suryavinayak, Sipadol, Changunarayan, Sanga, Gundu, Kaushaltar, Bhansepatiwala Magargaon, Tikathali, Lubhu, Bagdol, Nakhipot, Dhobighat, Chobhar, Toudah, Machhegaun, Vanasthali, Matikhel, Dahchok, Dhapasi. The native Magars settled in the valley are mainly Thapa, Rana and Ale. Within them There are Ismaili, Gurmachan, Barai, Masrangi, Fewali, Bhusal, Sinjali and Kingring. Magar settlements have been established not only in the capital but also on the border with India. Kanchanpur Chandani is a veteran disciple based in Dodhara, without the Minister for Drinking Water. There are also Magar Bhupu army settlements on the border like Triveni and Susta.

4. In Bhaktapur Magargaon, there are about 45 houses of Thapa, eight houses of Rana and five houses of Ale. "There are three hundred and fifty votes. That vote is enough to win and lose in the ward, 'says Vasudev Thapamagar of Magargaon.' Now Ram Thapamagar from the Congress is the ward chairman. ' They are from Matikhel under Thankot Danda. Other Magars, including Bhansepati crocodile, another crocodile with 45 households, are also involved in politics.

5. Recruitment in Prithvinarayan Shah's army ancestral Kathmandu native  Magar is declining. The British army and the Singapore police are not as common in the outside Magar society. The practice of joining the Indian Army seems to be very rare. Similarly, the number of people joining the civil service is also very small. The number of indigenous crocodiles who sell land and build houses as a source of income is increasing. The lands have been compacted as the sharecropping continues. Young people have arrived in Australia, UK, USA, Korea.

Brahmins are called in birth, marriage and death. The natives of the capital have become completely Hinduized. Due to the influence of Hindu ruling culture, the practice of 'mamacheli bihe' has almost come to a standstill.

There is no genealogy of the native Magar of the valley. Who are the ancestors of the settlement and of what position? Don't know So even if you know that your ancestors came from Gorkha, what is the village you are looking for? It is difficult to reach. Interracial marriages are rare. Most have been with Chhetri and Newar. Indigenous people live in Magar Basti, Thakuri, Chhetri and Bahun Basti.

Magar Sila survives, ‘Chhyama’ and ‘Chhevar’.

The natives of Kathmandu have lost the 'Magarness' of Magar. They have neither language nor culture. There are two things to be found in the ‘seam’ of the Magar language and culture, the shadows and the shadows. How are the survivors? Is the subject of study. Since politics is one language and one culture, it is not uncommon for Magar to forget his culture and language. Aunty is called Chhyama. Similarly, he does chhevar. It is like the fast of Chhetri-Bahun, Chhevar. As a cult, he worships Varaha Must. Magar Thar has launched a campaign to write 'Magar' on the back of his last name for 'identity crisis' by fighting with Chhetri-Bahun Thar. "After Thar, there is talk of writing compulsory Magar," says Vasudev Thapa Magar of Bhaktapur Magargaon. The surnames Thapa, Rana, Gharti, Budha, Regmi, Bhusal, Baral etc. are also similar to Bahunakshetri.

The source of history is folklore

Magar is native to the Himalayas, the highlands and the midlands. These bags are known as Kaike, Eighteen and Twelve respectively. After the Chhetri Bahun, the Magars spread in Nepal and also in neighboring India's Sikkim and Darjeeling. Indigenous Magar clusters are in Rapti, Lumbini, Gandaki and Dhaulagiri. Magar has a language. No script. Like other tribals, Magar has no written history. He says, ‘There are only legends and stories of unwritten castes, they are the source of tribal history.

In 'Magar Jati' edited by Yam Bahadur Pun and Jhakendra Ghartimagar, Fatik Bahadur Thapa Magar writes: Prithvinarayan Shah conquered Kirtipur in 1767, Kathmandu in 1768 and Patan and Bhadgaon a year later. Then they move the capital from Gorkha to Kathmandu. As Prithvinarayan had a Magar majority in the army, he was sent to Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Bhadgaon and Patan.

According to the last census, the population of Lalitpur is 468,132. Out of that, Magar population is 21 thousand 934 (4.68 percent). In Bhaktapur, out of 34,651 population, Magar is 6,839 (2.24 percent) while in Kathmandu, out of 1,744,240 population, Magar is 70,083 (4.01 percent). According to government figures, the Magar population is 1.887 million. This means the third largest population in Nepal and the first among the Adivasis. Out of which only 4 lakh 25 thousand 135 Magars speak their mother tongue.

In Nepal, the number of languages ​​has reached 129 by adding 6 out of 126 castes and 123 languages. The Magar language ranks seventh in Nepal in terms of mother tongue population. Magar Blood in 'Gorkha' and 'Maoist' Expansion When did Magar start living in Kathmandu? But there is no written history. The 'ruling people's history' is not reliable. You may say, what is written on copperplate and stone slab? There is a ruling in such writings.

Rukum Maikot's Lajim recites: Rukum Maikot's 'Rhangu Pun' genealogy is taken by King Rukumkote. The Lajims seek to know their ancestors. Lokendra Bahadur Shah, the son of Rukumkote king, says that Narharinath Yogi took him by asking his father. Yogi reaches the ashram in search of genealogy. At that time the yogi is already 'up'. They say the government has 'sealed' it. They return without seeing. Sreesanth, the chief yogi after Narharinath, says, "Most of the papers were sealed and soaked with water." Is that what you said or not? Any? 'First, the instrument itself is insignificant. Even those that are are 'missing'.

Before the Gurkha occupation, Chhetri, the Magar, used to bring in an army to repel the Khas attack in Karnali. Therefore, there is a possibility of Magar existence in Kathmandu even before the royal rule. The descendants of the fighters who fought in the Gorkha expansion are Magarbastiwal, a native of Kathmandu. It is seen that Magar settlements have been established in strategically important places to protect the captured geography.

Magar commander and army along with Prithvinarayan Shah ascended the throne of Kathmandu There are Ismaili, Gurmachan, Barai, Masrangi, Fewali, Bhusal, Sinjali and Kingring. Magar settlements have been established not only in the capital but also on the border with India. Kanchanpur Chandani is a veteran disciple based in Dodhara, without the Minister for Drinking Water. There are also Magar Bhupu army settlements on the border like Triveni and Susta.

Source: www.jhannaya.nayapatrikadaily.com