Tracing the origins of Gurung ( Origin of Magars of Nepal - V )

This valuable article published in www.thekathmandupost.com by Mahendra P Lama. 

"One of the most far-reaching initiatives has come from the Gurungs, who have always been at loggerheads with the ‘forced’ induction of their genealogy from the south and inclusion of their clans in the orthodox caste-based structure of char jata as ‘upper caste’ and Sora jata as ‘lower caste’. This Hindu hierarchical genealogy was imposed by the Shah rulers in the 15th century. Gurungs constitute 2 percent of Nepal’s population. In a doctoral degree thesis entitled Understanding the Ethnic History of Nepal: A Case Study of the Gurungs recently submitted to Sichuan University in China, Tek Bahadur Gurung fascinatingly finds the triangular zone consisting of the Kokonor and upper reaches of the Yellow River, Lokha area and southwest China as the actual place of origin of the Tamu Mai Gurungs in Nepal. These three angles had people with 26.63 percent Mongolian DNA; 14.9 percent Tibetan DNA and 34.3 percent Naxi/Yi DNA respectively.

Tek Gurung totally discards the wilful manipulation of the historico-geographical origin of Gurungs and the mythification of their history by artificially injecting a ‘divisive hierarchical genealogy’. This was made part of Tharagotrapravaravali in 1855 just one year after the implementation of Muluki Ain. His protracted efforts to substantiate archaeological investigation done in Nepal that provided valuable evidence for a northerly origin of Gurungs bore fruit only after he conducted sound scientific supporting evidence like DNA testing. He found the ‘Tibetan-Yi Corridor as a significant framework of migration for Gurungs as one of the Tibeto-Burman peoples’.

Gurung did something that social science scholars would generally hesitate to venture. He carried out a DNA analysis of eight Gurung persons for their ancestry compositions and then overlay these DNA results on the Tibetan-Yi Corridor to scientifically understand migratory origin of Gurungs. He concluded that 'their original village is most likely located around Kokonor which their mythology remember as Koko li mahrshyo'.

Oral traditions

Tracing the route of the migration, he concluded that 'their primaeval ancestors migrated southwards from the upper reaches of the Yellow River around eight thousand years ago. They reached the Yunnan area about six thousand years ago. Apparently, they reached the Tibet or Lhoka (shannan) area before one hundred BC. Finally, they reached the present parts of Nepal more than two thousand years ago and it seems most likely that they were already there at Kohla before the beginning of AD'. Tek Gurung traverses a continuum of discourse and formidable frontiers of interpretations and scholarly research. The oral traditions of Gurungs Pe Da Lhu Da and cosmological and cultural belief systems as collected in the Kerlo are very richly captured.

This new research finding will have definite repercussions on the collective repositioning of various indigenous ethnic communities in Nepal. Its cross-border connections in the entire Himalayan belt including Bhutan, Darjeeling, Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and the north-eastern region of India will be of both local and regional significance. This will be a vital breakthrough instrument for the Gurungs in India who have been a highly potential and deserving community to be in the list of Scheduled Tribes. Both the offices of the Anthropological Survey and the Registrar General in India could use this new finding as determining input to show the medieval migratory character of this tribal group. For indigenous scholars in the Himalaya, Tej Gurung’s innovative research methodology and imaginative interpretation should bring a fresh puff of air in interdisciplinary research."

If you guys go through the article, researchers have tried to find out the origins of Gurung via DNA analysis. Since, Gurungs are very close to Magars this hold true for Magars too. 

Though, till now I couldn't find any article related to Magars of this kind. Hope someday some researchers might do DNA analysis on Magars too. 

But, it's also emphasis on the same thing which I have thought with my own analysis & which I have mentioned in earlier parts of "Origins of Magars of Nepal".

Though, we Magars might have migrated little before than Gurung, which is evident with the nomenclature of places, rivers etc. 

Finally, this chapter of "Magar Origin" seems almost close now, only a final stamp of DNA analysis will be a formality. 

Temple priests of Janajati, Brahmin's Bada Dashain? ( Dashain for Magars - II )

आज www.onlinekhabar.com मा मैले मेरो रूचि को फेरि एउटा लेख भेंटेBeing a tribal priest in Kot and Devi Thanas in Nepal is a matter of curiosity, a tradition that has been going on for generations. In this regard, this article has made a good analysis especially in the context of Dashain. 

More about this source text

Source: www.onlinekhabar.com

By: Binu Pokharel

"Dashain is one of the biggest festivals in Nepal. It is one of the most celebrated festivals in the country. It is one of the most celebrated festivals in the country.

In the Terai too, Devidurga (Shailaputri, Brahmacharini, Chandraghanta, Kushmanda, Skandamata, Katyayani, Kalratri, Mahagauri and Siddhidatri) is worshiped for nine days throughout Navratra.

In the past, children used to get new clothes, but now that migration and the structure of the developed society has changed that belief. To come to Dashain now is to go to the village.

If those in the city do not go to the village, neither the city dweller nor those waiting in the village will come. The children have been cheating for a year, going to the village in Dashain. So it seems like Larko is going to the village from the city in the decade.

Not only those who work in the city, those who study, but also those who have built houses in the city go to the village in the decade to visit relatives, celebrate holidays and seek the blessings of the elders. At that time, the streets of Kathmandu are mostly empty and indigenous children are found playing cricket in the empty streets. Then Kathmandu is really worth seeing and living. Quiet, secluded and noiseless.

This means that Dashain is the only festival that every Nepali feels that his festival has come.

Whose festival is Dashain?

It has been heard that some people have boycotted Dashain for the last few years. And now we are witnessing and experiencing a movement of spitting on someone, burning someone's photo etc.

So did Dashain start oppressing and inciting anyone? Let's talk about how Dashain started.

The goddess is worshiped in Dashain. The practice of worshiping nine goddesses throughout Nauratha is not only in Nepal, but also in India. Nava Durga, also known as Shaktiswarupa, is worshiped throughout Navratri. These nine forms of Nava Durga are worshiped one by one for nine days from the day of Ashwin Shuklapaksha Pratipada to the day of Mahanavami.

However, the practice of worshiping the goddess is different in Nepal. The goddess is worshiped for nine days. In Nepal, it is customary to receive blessings from the hands of the elders.

It is believed that one does not have to visit the site even if one goes to war to use the weapons kept during Durga Puja. Books on praise and worship of Goddess while digging theological texts on Durga Puja and Vijayadashami of Navratra include Durgotsav Vivek, Durga Puja Prayogattattva, Durgotsav Paddhati, Markandeya Purana (Devi Mahatmya i.e. text of Durgasaptashati), etc.

As far as Nepali scholars are concerned, there are nineteenth century Vanivilas Pandey's Durgakritya Kaumudi and Laxmipati Pandey's Dargotsavakalpata.

Durga Puja and animal sacrifice are the characteristics of Dashain. Wherever there is a community, there are priests of the same caste in the temple. In 99 percent of the temples in our society, there are tribal priests. What these facts show is that it is not only the festival of tens of Brahmins but also the festival of the native tribes.

As Dashain is approaching, let's take a moment to look at where most of the temples across the country are priests of which caste.

Manakamana is a famous Shakti Peetha or Devi Mandir that we worship as a goddess who fulfills every desire of our heart. Manakamana temple is worshiped by offering sacrifices on the eighth day of Dashain.

Thapa Magar is a native priest of Manakamana Mandir from the very beginning. The current priests are also descendants of Lakhan Thapa's seventeenth generation. It is mentioned in the inscription that after Prithvinarayan Shah's Magar and Khas army defeated the army of Limbuwan, Lakhan Thapa came here and laid down his sword and from that time his generation became priests here.

The seven-year-old Chandithan temple in Syangja is another famous temple. There is a fair during Dashain. The priest of the 7th Chandithan temple is Thapa Magar. When this lineman reached there in Pohor Dashain, priest Prem Thapa Magar had said, ‘This is our ancestral profession. How many generations the priests of this temple were Magars, I can't say the exact date. However, our ancestors were priests in this temple from the very beginning. Where women (goddesses) are worshiped, women are not allowed to enter.

Similarly, the Gadhimai temple in Bara attracts crowds of devotees not only from Nepal but also from India, Bangladesh and Bhutan. Gadhimai is the largest sacrificial temple not only in Nepal but also in South Asia. During the fair, 10,000 goats, calves, pigs and chickens are sacrificed here. Special worship is performed in this temple on the eighth day of Dashain. The most famous priest of this temple is Tharu. It has been his profession for generations.

Pathibhara in East Taplejung is another famous temple. This temple is under the protection of local Limbu people. Although the priests here were Kshatriyas, they were the first to protect and maintain the temple here. They used to call Pathibhara Mumtuwung in the native Limbu language. Mumtuwung is made up of two words. Mumtu means strength and Vung means plant. Putting it in one place is called a power plant or a symbol of power.

In this way, as time passed in this path, which was worshiped by the Limbus as a symbol of power, everyone started worshiping it and in time, it was worshiped as the goddess of holiness. It was later called Pathibhara because it was like a hill filled with pathis. The Brahmins who came from below became a dense settlement of Kshatriyas and the priests of the temple also became Kshatriyas. But, the goddess of the native Limbus is Pathibhara Devi.

In this Based on a study by Nktikar, let's look at some temples and temples with different types of ancestral priests.

There are Vajracharya priests in Dakshinkali Bhagwati of Kathmandu, Vajracharya in Navdurga Bhagwati of Bhaktapur, Rai in Chhintang Devi temple of Dhankuta, Tharu in Rajarajeshwari of Saptari, Budhasubba of Dharan and Wali Ranamagar in Bishnupaduka.

Limbu in Bhedetar's Devi Mandir, Bajracharya in Palanchok Bhagwati in Kavre, Vajracharya in Bhairavi in ​​Nuwakot, Gharti Magar in Varahi temple in Barhakune Lake of Dang, Vajracharya and Karmacharya in Shobhabhagwati and Bhadrakali in Kathmandu, Rana Magar in Salyankot Mai temple in Dhading Live. From which most of the Brahmin devotees who reach the temple give Dakshina and Dhog by taking Tika. However, slaughter is not allowed in the Devi temple of Ilam.

Thus 99 percent of Nepal (Kshatriyas are also found in some temples) have tribal priests in the temples. The newly built temple, which has no historical background, seems to have been inhabited only by Brahmin priests.

However, the worship of the goddess was adopted by the Brahmin community in such a way that general research was not enough to find out whose festival it was. However, in certain parts of western Nepal, Brahmins are also found worshiping Must and Bhavani and temple priests.

Looking at it in this way, it can be said with certainty that this festival of worshiping Nava Durga and various goddesses is not a festival of Dashain Brahmins but starts from the local indigenous tribes and then spreads indiscriminately among Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishya Shudras.

Later, after the establishment of the Gurkha kingdom, the Gurkha king extended the practice of giving leave at this time.

In the Bhavishya Purana, it is mentioned that Mlechcha, Dasyu and Anga, people of Wang Kalinga and Kinnar, Barbar and Saka worship Durga in one place. This shows that the people of Varnashrama had hatred towards Durga Puja till much later and opposed it even after Durga Puja.

Another thing that can be understood from this is that the culture of Durga Puja was developed in South Asia by accepting the indigenous tendency and antiquity. The Brahmins, who have the virtue of being social by easily accepting the good culture and language of others, have started to accept such customs of the natives by adapting them to their own standards. This indicates that Durga Puja was Hinduized much later.

Due to their war skills, the tribes were the main rulers in many states and they used to worship and offer sacrifices before going to war. There was also the belief of winning in this way.

Others later became heads of state. Although they were the chiefs of other tribes, the chief warriors of their armies were the indigenous tribes. Because they were strong, aggressive, and fearless, the kings gave them the battle front to win the war. For the same reason, the practice of worshiping the goddess spread easily among the kings of other communities.

Here Licchavi, Malla and all the kings fully adopted it. There were also Brahmins who adopted this culture by sacrificing in Dashain. Historian Mahesh Raj Pant has mentioned in his writings in the Middle Ages that the festivals of the indigenous tribes were thus fully adopted by the Shah kings.

The truth of our Hindu civilization is that we do not differentiate between the gods of one caste and the gods of another. Instead, we adopt them as our own, so that we don't know each other's culture. We worship Goddess in one room, Vishnu in another room and Buddha and Shiva in another room in the same house.

You don't have to win the war to keep another country under your control as before. It is enough to attack the culture of that country. It is enough to break the culture that is tied to each other's culture. Nepal is trying to do the same. Our culture is falling prey to the provocative campaign of the West to break the beautiful culture of social unity. In Chepuwa, there is also a sacrificial ritual in the temple.

Sacrifice is not only mentioned in the Vedas. In ancient times, Jews, Christians and Muslims also had and still have sacrifices. However, it seems that there has been a planned protest centering on the issue of not killing animals and not sacrificing animals. Even the priest of the temple was told that Dashain is a Brahmin festival, we should boycott it. But, ironically, many incidents make it clear that Dashain is the culture of the indigenous tribes and has since been easily adopted by all castes from Brahmins onwards.

In this way, they should be proud when everyone accepted and adopted the Dashain, which is worshiped by the Barnetar (different from the four Varnas) caste. However, this fact seems to have been forgotten by the Janajatis themselves.

The goddess was called Mumtuwung as the source of power by the Limbus of the East, and the kings made it the center of Tantra power. The kings seem to have developed Lalitpur, Bhaktapur and Kathmandu in the midst of the goddess.

Mahakali was established near Kamal Binayak in Bhaktapur, Mahalaxmi in Lalitpur and Mahasaraswati in Lazimpat in Kathmandu. Guhyeshwari is built in the middle of the triangle. The half-angle is a symbol of vagina, that is, fertility. In other words, divine power. And the responsibility of running such a state (center of the system) was and still is the responsibility of the natives. This can be taken as an example of how much the kings believed in them.

There is also another narrative and writing. That also confirms that Dashain started from Barnetar.

There was a kingdom called Durgala under the Himalayas. Which was led by Durga. The Shumbha and Nishumbha brothers also ruled other small kingdoms. Who were occupying the village by killing the residents of the surrounding villages. The people of those villages took refuge in Durga to escape his attack. Then Durga defeated the demon in three months.

It was autumn. By protecting those who had taken refuge in the war, Durga returned their kingdom. However, a lot of money was lost in this long war. So after the war famine and epidemic began. In memory of the relatives who died in the war, it was said that one would eat a meal and pay homage for sixteen days. Also, sixteen days later, she smeared rice on the blood of all those who came to congratulate them on their victory. Later, a similar celebration was held on the same day.

After Durga's death, we still celebrate Baradshah in her honor. The festival of worshiping the same goddess is our main festival. According to an article in a book on culture, the practice of paying homage to Bada Dashain and Sohra Shraddha at the same time started from that time. (Dharanidhar Dahal, Sanskriti Ek Hami Anek, 2053, Nirman Prakashan, Namchi South Sikkim)

The description in Chandi of how Dashain and Devi Puja were celebrated together is the most authentic. An example of this is the description of Shumbhanishumbha in the book Durgasaptashati which is recited in Dashain. Which we have been reading in Chandi i.e. Durgasaptashati. (Chandi i.e. Durgasaptashati chapters 9-10.)

It is said in the scriptures that the gods who came to Durgako to take refuge in Durgako after killing Shumbha Nishumbha, congratulated Durga.

Similarly, Chandika, Katyayani and Ambika are mentioned in literature from the 7th century. Also, there is a statement of a young man of Shabar caste living in the forest that his hand was stiffened when he put pine in a sharp weapon to sacrifice blood.

Mahesh Raj Pant has mentioned in his book that there is a statement of Ambika's trident, which was sacrificed somewhere in Mahanavami, and soaked in Ranga's blood.

It is difficult to know exactly when the worship of Goddess started. The book of ‘Durgasaptashati’ i.e. ‘Chandi’ which is recited in Dashain is published here in B.Sc. Since it has been available since 1200, the reputation of Dashain was well established by that time. In the history of Nepal Bhagwati is mentioned in an inscription from the time of King Mandev in 560 AD. N.S. A look at the book and old records of Chandi, which was moved to the Saptakutumbaj ruler of Lalitpur during the reign of King Narendra Dev in 264 BCE, reveals a reference to Dashain in Nepal up to 1432 BC

Even yesterday, the Janajati community was matriarchal. Even today, mother power is highly respected. The women fighters who killed Shumbh Nishumbh were also fearless women of the same indigenous tribe. Because it is unbelievable that women within the caste system (Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras) who are fighting for freedom today worked as fighters yesterday. They had saved many other villages by killing two brothers, Shumbh Nishumbh, who had been causing havoc in the villages.

The Markandeya Purana shows that Durga is located on the banks of the Koshi River in the Himalayas. Other Puranas also mention that Durga was in the Himalayan subcontinent after the demise of Siddhartha Gautama.

When it comes to the Himalayan region, it is clear that Durga was represented by the Mongols, a tribe living in the Himalayas, and Durga was worshiped from there.

The villagers who took refuge in Durga, a powerful woman, started worshiping Durga, Kali, Chandi, etc. after her death. Later, blood was offered to make them happy. On the same day, they began to gather and bless. The same practice has gradually spread among those who belong to the caste system.

However, later, under the influence of Buddhists and Vaishnavism, Brahmins began to cut and offer Kubindo, Louka, Ghiraunla, instead of animal violence. Later, in order to kill the Brahmins, it was forbidden to eat meat. Eating was done to reduce the caste.

But, now there is no such thing as Samish (eating meat) and Ko Niramish (not eating meat). However, Brahmins still worship the goddess on Ashtami day, some offering sacrifices but others are forced to cut. Some cut fruit and offer sacrifices, while the east also offers live fish.

We have been hearing from our ancestors that old people used to wear white incapacity until the color of incapacity came. Later, it spread among the Varnashrams, as if the festival had begun with the Varnashrams, not with the Adivasi tribes.

When kings came to power, they became devotees of goddesses. Devi temples were established in various places. Its influence spread throughout India.

The inscriptions and our legends make it clear that this tradition, which began thousands of years ago, has been added to and changed today, and that the practice of receiving blessings by worshiping goddesses and commenting is still going on today.

After all, Janaipurni is considered as a festival celebrated by Shudras as it is celebrated by Brahmins, Dashain is slaughtered by Kshatriyas, Tihar is celebrated by traders, gambling is practiced by Vaishyas i.e. traders and Phagu is also free from obscenity.

Therefore, whether it is a festival started by tens of indigenous tribes knowingly or unknowingly, their movement against it is their own culture.

It is a blow to the head. It is a common festival of every caste and community in Nepal started by tens of tribes and indigenous peoples based on the findings of the study of culture. It is not only wrong to label this festival as anti-tribal, but also an insult to the culture of the tribes themselves. "

I would like to thank Binu Pokharel Jew for writing such an informative article.

ORIGIN OF MAGARS OF NEPAL - IV (Where did the Magar come from? / Genetic studies of Magars of Nepal)

Hi Guys, in 2016 when I have written about the Origin of Magars of Nepal. Today with some more materials available in the internet with concerned topics I have thought to update you guys.

First, I want to mention that my last prediction of the date that we must have migrated to Nepal around 2000-1500 BC is pretty close to the date find out by research. My assumption of that time was based on whatever materials I have read that time.

But, this time I have more proof with me. Please find the source of the article at the end of the article and you guys can yourself  go and read the entire article in their respective websites.

All these three different articles presented here today will clarify what I wanted to said in my last article (Part III ).

Here, I have found one more thing that Gurungs are the closest tribe to us probably we could have belong to single stock long back.

So here are those articles:

1. “ It was observed that our study population comprised both Tamangic (Gurung, Tamang) and Magaric (Magar) groups of Tibeto-Burman language family, based on assessment of ethnicity from ethno-linguistic questionnaire (Table 4). Further investigation of phylogenetic relationship between the Gurung, Tamang and Magar groups showed clustering of the Tamangs with Tibetans10, Tamangs10 and Sherpas9 while Gurungs and Magars showed genetic relatedness with those from Kathmandu, Nepal9,10 (Fig. 4). Gurungs and Magars were also closely clustered suggesting common origin of these two ethnic groups (Fig. 4). This interesting observation, however, is required to be substantiated by increasing the markers and the ethnic groups. Although little is known about Tamang history, it is believed that they came from Tibet possibly around 3000 years ago. The Magar people (genetically and physically Mongoloid/East Asian) are believed to have migrated from Tibet via Sikkim although their origin is shrouded in mystery. Origin of Gurungs is also uncertain though linguistic evidence suggests that their ancestors may have migrated from Tibet about 2000 year ago. They are predominantly of Mongoloid racial stock and speak a language which largely belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language family32. Time estimation results indicate that people from Tibet began to migrate to Nepal around 6000 years ago11 which is also in agreement with the archeological findings of reported sharing of Neolithic features between Nepal and Tibet33 and historically recorded passes (Kodari and Rasuwa) which had connected the Nepalese and the Tibetans since the ancient times34. A recent study has revealed presence of Denisovan haplotype in the Himalayan population35.”

Source : nature.com

2. “ The Magar are a tribe which is representative of Tibet, with little South Asian genetic input presumably. The Newar are the Nepalese hybrids par excellence. To a great extent they can be viewed as the indigenous peoples of the Kathmandu region at the heart of modern Nepal. Their language is of Tibetan affinity, and yet it is heavily overlain with an Indo-Aryan aspect, and seems to have within it an ancient Austro-Asiatic substrate. Though predominantly Hindu today, the Newar have a substantial Buddhist minority whose roots may go back to the original Mahayana traditions which were once prominent in northern India. The Brahmin and Chetri groups are upper caste communities who claim provenance from the north Indian plain. Some of these upper caste groups in Nepal are of recent vintage, having fled the Islamic conquests of the Gangetic plain within the last 1,000 years. And yet even they have obvious Tibetan admixture. This should make one cautious about the excessive claims to genetic purity which South Asian caste groups make.
But admixture of a Tibetan or East Asian component in South Asia is not limited to Nepal. I have reedited a figure from a 2006 paper on Indian Americans which shows the inferred components of ancestry of various language-groups. It is clear that the northeastern groups, Bengalis, Assamese, and Oriya, have an affinity to East Asians. This is not just ancient east Eurasian ancestry, the “Ancestral South Indians” hypothesized in Reich et al.. The South Indian groups (which I have excised from the figure) do not exhibit the same level of elevation of the ancestral quantum dominant among the Han Chinese in the bar plot. In fact the Reich et al. paper also reported evidence of an eastern ancestral element in some of the Munda speaking groups of northeast India.
So we see that genes do flow around the margins of South Asia, and into it. And yet Tibet seems oddly insulated. Why? Because of adaptation. Like water, it seems in this case genes tend to flow downhill, not up, and the reason is likely the fitness differentials between lowland and highland populations along the slope of the Great Himalayas. ”

Source: www.covermagazine.com

3. “ This identified the Rai, followed by the Magar and Tamang as the genetically closest Nepalese ethnic groups to the Sherpa (Additional file 1: Table S5). It is noteworthy that the Magar are believed to have originally migrated from the same region of Tibet as the Sherpa

The (Tibetan-ANI) admixture events were then dated in the admixed Nepalese subgroups (Newar, Magar and Tamang) using Rolloff [20]. Results correlate well with the documented arrival dates of these ethnic groups to Nepal [6, 21]. Assuming a generation time of 30 years, our analysis dated an admixture event to have occurred in the Newar 1,504 YBP (years before present, 50.13 generations), which correlates well with historical records that have suggested the Newar have resided in Nepal since the early 4th century [21, 22]. We dated admixture events for the Tamang and Magar as 1233 YBP (41.09 generations) and 866 YBP (28.87 generations) respectively. These dates correlate well will historical records that suggest the Tamang’s arrival in Nepal around the 8th century, and the Magar’s in Nepal in the 12th century.

Elevated levels of ROH were also detected in all the other Nepalese groups (Magar, Rai, Newar and Tamang), and Sherpa from the villages of Thame, Lukla, Namche, Forte and Solukhumbu, suggesting both ancient and recent shared ancestry as a cause of elevated homozygosity in these subgroups. The observed patterns of homozygosity across the ROH thresholds for the Sherpa from Khumjung and Kunde indicates ancient shared parental ancestry, most likely due to isolation and small Ne, with little recent consanguinity”

Source : www.bmcgenomics.biomedcentral.com

Hope after reading it you guys have better understanding regarding our genology.

I have even read that we could have possibly come directly from Tibet & not via Burma as per Hayden et al, 2007. But further research needs to be done here.

Edit 1: In first case its from the article "genetic diversity in Gorkhas in www.nature.com" its clearly mentioned that people have started migrating from Tibet to Himalayan region around 6000 years ago. They have also mentioned that Magars might have come to Nepal around 2000 years ago ie. 1st millennium CE.

Looking for you guys suggestions and comments as always !!!!!

Barah Magarat : History

Guys, after many days I have found a good article in Kantipur about the Magars. Many had heard that the ancestors of the Shah dynasty were Magars, but there seemed to be a lack of facts on this point. But after reading this article, there is a strong belief that the history of the Shah dynasty goes hand in hand with the Magars.

Here I would like to add that if there is fact in this matter, then surely this matter is important for every Magar and this matter in itself will get an important place in the history of Magar. And the story of Shah Dynasty will start from Bhirkot / Lasargha and not from Gorkha.

So this is the article published in Kantipur.

The same event of the capture of Gorkhakot from Mansingh Khadgamgar under Dravya Shah on September 25, 1616 BS later unfolds as the starting point for the formation of the present day Nepal. This article will revolve around the royal Cuttack, which arrived in the last Magar kingdom of Magarat 460 years ago.

Magarat

Argha, Khanchi, Gulmi, Isma, Musikot, Ghiring, Baldhengadhi, Rudrapurgadhi, Deuchuli, Tanhang / Tanu-Hula '(Tanahu), Parbat, Galkot, Rising, Ghiring, Bhirkot, Satahu, Indigenous feudal areas including Garhu, Paiyun, Dhor, Kaski, Lyhe-Muu-Hula (Lamjung), Kahu, Liglig, Gorkhakot, Bungkot, Bahrakot (Bahkot), Targhakot (Takukot), Makwanpur were included. Somewhere as a tribal state, somewhere as a rajauta and local feudal lord. No own coin, no permanent army.

Magwar is the ancient name of Magarat. The origin of the Magars, or Magarat, was the region from the Marsyangdi River to Pyuthan (Pant / Sharma - The Two Earliest Copperplate Inscriptions from Nepal, Missions Paper, p. 6). Considering Nisi-Bhuji as the border, the western part was known as 18 Magarat and the eastern part as Barha Darlam, meaning 12 Magarat. Pang (Kham) is spoken in 18 Magarat (Rapti) and Dhut Magar is spoken in 12 Magarat (Gandaki) (Budhamagar, Political History of Bhojvikram-Magar caste, pp. 69/73).

The various kingdoms of the same twelve Magarats, which were initially said to be Magars in the early days of their existence from Ridi-Bhirkot and later became known as Thakuri by holding the title of Khan / Sahi / Shah, were swallowed up one after the other. Many Magar-administered areas like Bhirkot, Satahu, Garhu, Baldheng, Kihun, Ramkot seem to have fallen into the hands of the Khans without a fight. However, where there was a Gurung area, the Khans had to face a fierce battle.

Thus, in the Magar states of the Twelve Magars, when the royal cuttack reaches Gorkha Majhkot, it turns into a fierce battle. After fifteen days of continuous protests, the last Magar kingdom of the Twelve Magars falls into the hands of Gorkha Majhkot Dravya Shah. The same event of the capture of Gorkhakot from Mansingh Khadgamgar under Dravya Shah on 25 September 1616 BS later unites as the starting point for the formation of today's Nepal. This article will focus on the royal Cuttack, which came to play the royal tune in the last Magar kingdom of the fourteen hundred and sixty years ago.

From Lasargha to Gorkhakot

Dharma Pal, son of the feudal lord Gaj Brahma of the feudal area of ​​the Khas kingdom, had established an independent kingdom called Ribdikot around 1480 BS when the independent existence of small kings and rajautas began to be seen in the western Khas kingdom. After this, Argha, Khanchi, Dhurkot, Musikot, Isma and Parbat were also established as independent princely states in the hilly areas around Kaligand.

Rudra Sen moved the seat of the Sen kingdom of Ribdikot to Palpa (Khanal, Mohan Prasad-Political History of the Sen Kingdom, p. 19). In Baldhengadhi near Ribdikot, a strong kingdom of Magars existed. Around the same time as the Sen state was established in Gandaki province, the 'Khan' state was established in some northern part of the same province. The Khans had established eight kingdoms as they advanced eastwards and reached Gorkha. These states were also called the Eight Vaccines.

It is mentioned in the genealogies written at different times that the local roots of today's Shahs arose from the Jain (Jait) 'Khan / Khanna' in Lasargha around 1500 BC. A few years later, the foundation of Bhirkot Thakurai seems to have been laid by cultivating land in Khilung on the right bank of Andhikhola (Brief Biography of Acharya Baburam-Shri 5 Bada Maharaja Prithvinarayan Shah (1), p. 6).

According to the Gorkha dynasty, Jain Khan's son Surya Khan rose from Lasargha and established a kingdom in Khilung. His eldest son Karhancha (Khancha) left Khilung and ruled in Bhirkot and his youngest son Mirhancha (Micha) in Nuwakot. In the native Magar dialect, Karhancha means eldest and Mirhancha means youngest. If the Shahs were Rajputs from Chittaur, why did they have to keep their sons, the eldest and the youngest, in the native Magar dialect?

The descendants of Karhancha grew up from Bhirkot and ruled over Dhor. Mirhancha took his son to Navkot in Bahardarlam around 1510 BS. Bahadurlam is a Magar settlement. Although his eldest son Bhakti Khan remained in his native kingdom, the youngest Bichitra Khan was not only satisfied with the Magar settlements around Andhikhola but also took control of the settlements to the north and formed an independent state. This state later came to be known as Kaski State (Acharya, Baburam-Nepal's Brief History (2), p. 89).

After the bizarre mine, Jagati Khan snatched the kingdom of the Ghales in Ghale (Khol, Siklis, Armalakot) from the leadership of the local ruler Rakse Gurung and incorporated it into the Kaski kingdom of Khans. A (Mechi to Mahakali, Part 3, p. 445). He took the name 'Kulmandan' in place of Jagati as he was able to expand the Kaski kingdom and increase the prestige of the clan. The Kulmandal seems to have been more of a Kulmandan than a Kundan Mandan compared to the Mandan king Nala of the mythical Kundin country (Sharma, Gopinath-History of the Twenty-Four Kingdoms, p. 32).

He had seven brothers and a son. The eldest Narraj Khan was the king of Kaski. First Kalu Sahi and later Jasbam (Yashobrahm) Sahi were taken to Lamjung and made king. After the same Narraj Khan used the title of 'Sahi', Yashobrahm also assumed the title of 'Sahi'. Narahari Sahi, the eldest son of Yashobrahma, was the king of Lamjung, and he sent his youngest Dravya Sahi as administrator of Raginaskot in Magarat, southeast of the Marsyangdi and Chepe rivers (Acharya, ibid., P. 90).

The same Dravya Shah captured the native Magar-administered Ligligkot in 1515 BS, and on 25 September 1616, he defeated Mansingh Khadga of Majhkot, now the Gorkha Durbar, and conquered the last Magar kingdom of the Twelve Magars. At the same time, the Sahi Cuttack rested over the Magar kingdom in the Twelve Magars, and after that it moved forward to increase the size of the unitary Sahi kingdom by swallowing the Tamu, Tamang, Newar, Kirant and other native kingdoms.

Iron to cut iron

In Gorkha Vek, the population of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Dalits in the western hilly region, which had been moving and migrating during the recent expansion and dissolution of the Khas and Palpa states, had become dense. Certain rites, cultured Brahmins, Kshatriyas were feeling uncomfortable and insecure in the native culture, accustomed to practice.

The antagonism between the two communities intensified when the native Magars could not cope with the growing aspirations, strength and numbers of the visiting Brahmins and Kshatriyas. The feudal lords, who had been holding back the traditional social norms, did not have the ambition and need to address the aspirations and needs of the newcomers to the East to meet the many aspirations and growing needs from the West.

The Kshatriyas and their poor Brahmins, who had become centralized in Gorkha from Khas, Parbat, Isma, Palpal and other places, were not able to cope with the wisdom, strength and tactics of the native Magar community.

In the same way, the anti-crocodile crocodiles had adopted crooked cunning to cut iron by inciting the indigenous crocodile Gangaram and others who were dissatisfied with the feudal system.

The intense antagonism between the Ghale / Khadga Magars living between Bhusundikhola Panidhalo, Chepe Panidhalo and Daraundi Panidhalo and the Rana, Vushal, Maski, Pulamimagars did not suffice.

Ganesh Pandey from Palpa, Narayandas Aryal from Isma, Sarveshwar Khanal from Argha and Bhagirath Panth from Keshav and Keshav Bohara from Salyan formed a front and the group refused to accept the native Magars as their rulers. After Gangaram, who was dissatisfied with the Magar ruler for various reasons, joined the same group, the group took the opportunity to satisfy their cravings by putting forward the material of Bhirkote Khan / Sahi Khalak, who was running the administration of Raginas.

The tenth that Magar did not obey

Mainstream historians have mentioned that Dravya Shah captured Ligligkot by defeating the Ghalemgars who joined the race on the tenth of 1615 BS to choose their king. However, it is not clear why Dravya Shah invaded Liglig on the day of Vijayadashami by killing the Ghales who had joined the king's race. The Ghales were followers of Tibetan Buddhism.

Therefore, Vijayadashami of the Hindus was not a festival for him (Acharya, Ihi (1), p. 43). According to the legend, after the division of the Palpali Sen kingdom in 1605 BS, when the native Dalsur Ghalemgar was the administrator, many controversies arose.

At the same time, it was the time when those who were strong were considered to be the strongest in defending their territory, and the practice of the Ghales was a part of measuring that 'strong' strength. Dravya Shahi, while practicing a fast republic below Liglig Mahavilathok, cut the five houses participating in the race and spread the melody of 'winged' unitary literature in Liglig.

Inclusive forces

Dravya Shah had brought some Lamjunge Gurungs with him when he came to kill Liglig, whom he later appointed as Umra. By the time of Ram Sahi, Warpak, Syartan, Athar Sayakhola, Salyan, Vasyahari, Khari, Maidhi, Dhading and other states were merged into Gorkha.

After the Khan / Sahi intervention in Ligligkot, Majhkot, Upallokot, Tallokot, Sihranchowk and Ajirgarh, the power of Magar, Baram, Kshatriya, Brahmin, Majhi, Kumal, Dalit and Gurungs was already integrated with Gorkhali. Similarly, Dravya Shah was carried from Raginas to Gorkha by the Brahmins (Identification of the Baram and Chhantyal-Baram castes, p. 28). The Kumals of Gorkha were mobilized as runners during the expansion of the Gurkha kingdom and acted as messengers (Mukhiya, Study of the Baghvir-Kumal Caste, p. 29).

As the Gorkhas increased in size, the country's largest fighting force merged into a single military camp. It has nowhere to be found in state armies with a definite single ethnic composition Kier did not stand. Even the powerful British troops stationed in Nagarkoti and Guhar, which were hired by the kings of the Kathmandu Valley, could not hold out for more than a decade after the state of the valley fell under Gorkhali Taro.

The brown-tailed deer of Kot and Thumaipicha had become a source of excitement to the people by appeasing the state and the feudal lords. On top of that, the rapid change of such feudal lords had aroused the need for a stable and strong state among the people. The increasing migration and the association with the newcomer consciousness from the west to the east had led to a sharp contradiction with the traditional governing consciousness of the society.

The society was transformed into a collective ethnic structure while the ruling army of the country was in a mono-ethnic form. As a result, with the combination of collective wisdom and strength, such single ethnic forces could not stand in front of the inclusive Gurkha army. On the contrary, it had a strong response to the Gorkhali attack until the army of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur had a strong military force in the army of Kirtipur.

But when the strategy of splitting the Gorkhalis and killing them at the same time was advanced, the mono-ethnic army of the valley did not even get a chance to raise its head with the multi-ethnic army of the Gorkhalis. On the contrary, the comparatively inclusive Lamjunge army, on reaching the northeastern region by defeating the Gorkhalis, was always on the sidelines.

After the Unified Gurkha army squeezed the arrogance of the British and Muslim armies in Sindhuli and Makwanpur, it moved forward aggressively. As much as the Gurkha state incorporated the Bhure-Takure state, the result of the Gurkha expansion campaign eventually took the form of a gigantic country and raised the flag of existence as Nepal. After the great encounter of Nepal with the British on various fronts in 1872 BS, the Nepali morale of state expansion has shrunk in the relentless efforts to preserve the independence, freedom and self-respect of today's geography.

.....

Thus, the Gorkhali Shah dynasty, led by a society that proved itself superior by concentrating collective and inclusive power on the weakness of the military and state structure of a single character, came to the time of Mahendra and focused on unity in a single language, a single disguise, a single thought. Unable to cope with the growing reality of color.

Forgetting the fact that he had knelt before others five hundred years ago in the decisive struggle between social pluralism and autocratic unity, the new necessity developed in the monarchy society, led by Mahendra's mono-conscious power, could not stand in the decisive struggle of social relations and departed forever. Just as yesterday's mono-ethnic powers collapsed due to multi-ethnic social realities, so too did the reality of social pluralism dismiss monarchical monotheism.

Shahi Cuttack in Gorkhakot

Less than a year after Liglig's invasion, he and his army reached Dravya Majhkot (now the site of the Gorkha Durbar). Dravya Sahi was anointed by Narayandas Aryal as the 'King' of Gorkha on 25 September 1616, after the sword king was killed on the sixteenth day after a fifteen-day long battle. In the same way, the kingdom of Gorkha Majhkot, which was added by Dravya Sahi, had reached Sihranchowk, Ajirkot in his time to celebrate victory.

After winning and losing many times till the time of Narbhupal Sah, Gorkha Barpak, Salyan, Khari, Maidhi, Dhading, Simjung, Mazhuwa, Syartan, Athar Sayakhola, Baseri, Charange, Nibharchowk, Firkep and Katunje were captured and reached Gorkha on the Trishuli River. In the time of Narabhupal, Gurkha was present as a state with 12,000 households before Prithvinarayan's rule after he was defeated in Jhitikatak of Kathmandu.

Muslims or not?

Controversial debates over who were the ancestors of the Shahs who later became rulers in central Nepal through different parts of Nepal are not entirely new. Some have speculated that they were Muslims because they were given the title Khan and the Shah's ancestors had names like Khancha and Mincha.

However, this argument does not seem particularly strong. Instead, the list of facts that the ancestors of the Shahs were Magars is abundant. The Magars of the Gandaki region made great progress and formed a union of twelve Khans (kings) and established a kingdom called 'Barha Magarat'. All these places had their own khans (kings). However, the khan (king) of Bhirkot was fond of Badakhan (Sharma, ibid., P. 4).

Alam Devi of Lasargha is the fort of Jain Khan. The victory flag of Durga Bhavani is hoisted in the fort. Vijay Dhwaj is called 'Alam' in the local language. That is why Durga Bhavani is called Alam Devi. Alam Devi is the Khan of Athtika and the family goddess of Sahi / Shah dynasty. The worship of Alam Devi takes place from the unmarried Maski Ranamagar (Gurung, Jagman - Cultural Heritage of Gandaki Flowing Area, p. 102). Until he reached Gaddinsin in Kathmandu, he used to visit an Asarfi Alam Devi from the royal palace every year (Sharma, ibid., P. 9).

Abhay Ranak (Magar) of the Palpali Sen dynasty mentions that Sen married Kantimati, the daughter of a Magar king named Gajsingh of Makwanpure, in the genealogy of the Sens (Ghimire, Bishnu Prasad-History of the Palpa Kingdom, Part 2, p. 15). Mukunda Sen was of the thirteenth generation of Abhay and Kantimati. Mukunda Sen was also married to Mahadevi Suvarnamala, daughter of Magar Raja (?) Of Parkot.

Manikya Sen Palpali Gaddim was born from them (Gurung, Jagman, Historical Narrative of Tamuwan, p. 19).

Books written from Sikkim also refer to the Sen dynasty kings as Magar kings (Pradhan, Kumar-ek Prahar, p. 6). In the handwritten book 'Naradasmriti' in the Keshar Library, Sen King Mukunda Sen is mentioned as the Magar King. The friendly agreement reached between the Malla kings of Kathmandu in the first decade of the seventeenth century states that they should unite to avoid the invasion of the Palpali Magars.

Prithvinarayan's kingdom was Mawli Palpali Sen. His mother Kaushalyavati was the daughter of Palpali king Gandharva Sen. It is not only interesting to observe the behavior of Gorkhali / Bhirkote Khan / Shahs with the Palpali Sens who have shown Magar by different genealogies, notes, behavior, but its depth helps to find the special roots of Shah dynasty. Prithvinarayan himself is found to have proclaimed 'I am the King of Magarat' (Yogi and Acharya, Divya Upadesh, p. 28).

Folklore has it that the Magars, who are the closest allies of the Khan / Shah Thakurs, are also known as the Mawli Khalaks of the Thakurs (Subedi, History of the Rajaram-Kaski Kingdom, p. 87). Expanding from Bhirkote 'Khan', it is equally interesting to see that Maski Ranamagar is the priest in Alam Devi, the ancestral worship of the Sahi / Shah. If we look at the universal practice of every family, tribe, clan having only priests of their own dynasty in the temple where the clan of any dynasty is worshiped, then the question of why there are only crocodile priests in the temple of clan worship of the Khan / Shahs helps to understand the ethnicity of the Shahs.

According to the legend prevalent in Shah / Khan / Sen, Bhupalji Rao worshiped Wange (Chwanche) and ate the meat of Chwanche (pig). Were Pigs are still sacrificed at Alam Devi during Dashain. Even the Shah kings of Nepal used to offer pigs and liquor to Alam Devi till the middle of the Rana period just like the Magars. It is only later that the Shah kings started offering bundles in place of pigs.

Not only in Lasargha Alam Devi, the Magars have been kept by the Shah dynasty monarchs everywhere and made priests in the temples of their deities and goddesses. Sarumagar in Bhirkot, Baralmagar in Gahraunkot, Saru in Nuwakot, Pulami in Satahunkot, Chumi Thapa in Sarangkot, Darlami in Dhorna, Dudharana in Lamjung, Bhusal / Maski in Gorkha Kalika, Sarjari in Dhading. This forces the Shahs to focus on the ethnic Maghos.

Khan / Sahi / Sah / Shah

The 'dynasty' that Ram Shah used to write Chitravilas seems to have connected the ancestors of the Shahs to Chittaurgarh. But since the Gurkha dynasty of Gorkha is Chandravanshi and the Rawal dynasty of Chittaur is Suryavanshi, after Ram Shah's attempt to link the Sahis to Chittaur was exposed, it seems that Dharanidhar (commentator?) Was tried to correct it by writing 'Goraksha dynasty'.

This time, an attempt has been made to show the Suryavanshi by raising the Sahi dynasty from the Suryavanshi king Ayativum. In 'Gorakshadhis-Champu' written in the time of Rajendra Bikram, an attempt has been made to prove the Gorkhali Shah dynasty as the Rana dynasty of Chittaur. The 'Biography' and 'Gurkha Genealogy' written by Sherman Singh and his brother Buddhiman Singh in Rajendra's time also link the Shah dynasty to Rishiraj Bhattarak Ranaji Rao of Chittaur

.....

Jain seems to have the title of 'Khan' in Turkish, which means king / chieftain / eminent person. It seems that the royal title held by the Kalyal kings of Jumla at first as Rai and later as Sahi was imitated by Jagati or Nararaj Khan of Kaski. The book written in the time of Ram Shah seems to have used both Sahi and Sah. Since Jahangir Shah was in power in Delhi at that time, it can be understood that he wanted to write Delhi 'Sah' instead of Jumli 'Sahi'. But the use of Sahi seems to have been shifting to the time of Prithvinarayan.

In the seal stamped by Prithvinarayan in 1811 BS, he has kept the title of Sahi. During his time, there was a tendency to treat unmarried children as 'Sahi' and married children as 'Sah'.

Palpali Mukunda Sen (II) used the title 'Bahadur' in Turkish to denote bravery and heroism, so the same can be said of 'Shamsher Jang Bahadur' by adding 'Bahadur' to the Persian words 'Shamshir' and 'Jang' The title was held by Prithvinarayan - Acharya, Uhi (1), p. 39-41). In the time of Tribhuvan, the pure form of Persian 'Shah' was changed to 'Sah' and later the title 'Shah' was written. "

Author: Yadav Devkota. Many thanks to Devkota Ji for this invaluable article. 

Source: www.ekantipur.com 

Ghatu Dance of Lamjung

D

evotees lined up inside the Tashi Chhyoling Gumba of Nalma village, recently on Buddha Jayanti to prepare the Ghatu dance. Interestingly, although the day begins with offerings and lamps for the Buddha, the dance begins by invoking Hindu gods.

Ghatu seems to bring many cultures and languages together across the mountains of Central Nepal. In Nalma village, a two-hour ride from the district headquarter of Besishahar, four young girls are dressing up in traditional Gurung costumes to prepare for the dance. The rituals actually begin in January on the festival of Shree Panchami, when the dancers are selected. They are then trained until the performance starts on Buddha Jayanti, and goes on for up to a week.

On full moon day the dancers line up in a community building at the center of the village, and begin swaying slowly to the music as village elders sing to the beat of the madal. Ghatu tells the tragic story of King Pashramu and Queen Yambawati: Pashramu goes on a hunt, meets and marries Yambawati, and they have a child. Pashramu is killed in action, Yambawati self-immolates on her husband’s pyre. The dance climaxes with Yambawati’s grief as she gives up her kingdom, says goodbye to her little son, and embraces death. The dancers go into a trembling trance as they perform for hours.

Ghatu dance is performed all over central Nepal by Gurung, Magar, Dura, Balami and Kumal communities. But no one is sure how it originated. “It was passed down to us by our ancestors, but they did not tell us where they learnt it or how it began,” says Jung Bahadur Gurung, dance teacher in Nalma. “People believe it’s based on a local story, and that Pashramu and Yambawati were a local Gurung king and queen.”

Gurung knows the songs, but says he does not know what language they are in. It sounds like Tharu or Bhojpuri, languages spoken in southern Nepal. Since Pashramu meets Yambawati when he is out hunting and far away from his mountain homeland, some people speculate that queen Yambawati was a woman from the Tarai and brought the songs with her.

The Gurungs also do not have the practice of sati depicted in the dance. Considering this and other factors, folk music expert Kishor Gurung concludes that Ghatu was actually brought to Nepal by Lahures who went to India. “Nepali soldiers who joined the British Indian armies must have brought it back with them 150-200 years ago.”

Professor Yubaraj Gurung thinks the dance is essentially a way for the community to comes to terms with pain and relate it to Yambawati’s grief. But there is agreement on what makes the dancers go into a trance as they dance with their eyes closed, swaying slowly to the music.

“The dancers sometimes don’t even know the story, but go with the flow and where the music takes them,” says folk music researcher Jhuma Limbu who is making a documentary about Ghatu. “It is a matter of great pride that music which explores the depths of human psychology is still alive in Nepal. We must do our best to preserve it.”

As with most folk art, this music has been passed down and preserved orally, and it is known to affect the dancers anytime it is played. Grown women who were former dancers sometimes fall into a trance when they hear the music. Villagers here forbid recording the music, and the performances only happen at designated times.

With the march of time, interest is waning in such lengthy dances when other means of entertainment are easily available, says musician Raju Gurung: “It is a very sad that people are losing interest in the ritual part of the dance and it is becoming more and more commercialised. We love our dance very much and would like to preserve it, but it is a losing battle.”

Source : Nepali Times by Sewa Bhattarai 

"Badal" gaining his Power again #2019

 " Leaders from the Maoist stream in the ruling Nepal Communist Party have been expressing concerns over increasing opportunities for the leaders of the Ram Bahadur Thapa faction, which had joined the erstwhile Maoist Centre after deserting the group led by Mohan Baidya.

With most of Thapa’s supporters receiving the benefits--both in the government and the unified party--other leaders of the former Maoist faction have started expressing discontent within the party.

Maoist insurgents during the ‘people’s war’--which ended in 2006--Thapa has always been at the crucial decision-making level in the CPN (Maoist Centre) and also in the new party.

According to leaders, the only ministry allotted to the erstwhile Maoist Centre in the Province 1 government is led by Indra Aangbo of Thapa’s group while the deputy speaker of the provincial assembly, Saraswoti Pokhrel, was also from the same group.

Internal affairs and law ministers Hari Chuman (Gandaki Province) and Kul Prasad KC (Province 5) also represent Thapa’s group.

In the federal government, Thapa is leading one of the most crucial offices, the Home Ministry. Two other leaders from the now-dissolved Maoist party--Shakti Basnet and Barshaman Pun, who were in charge of the environment and finance ministries--now lead the forest and environment, and energy, water resources and irrigation ministries, respectively.

In the House of Representatives, Dev Prasad Gurung of the Thapa faction is the chief whip of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP).


Leaders said that many chairs of the parliamentary committees of provincial assemblies were given to Thapa supporters. Thapa also got many of his leaders as lawmakers as he led the three-member panel that selected the party’s candidates for the 2017 general election. Even the leaderships of provincial and district committees involve a significant number of Thapa’s men in the Maoist quota.

Some leaders believe that NCP Co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal was not bothered with the issue because he wanted to attract leaders to his camp while those close to Dahal were furious over the distribution of berths to those who once “betrayed the party” by splitting it.

While some leaders believe that Thapa’s group happened to get the maximum benefit in the state mechanism and also in the party just because they had more senior leaders in his group, many others complain of discrimination.

“It seems that the leaders should desert the party once to get better opportunity here,” said Hemraj Bhandari, a central committee member. “When the leaders who dumped the party for some interests get better opportunities, what message would that extend to the leaders supporting the party continuously?”

However, the role of Thapa was never been appreciated as he failed to take quick decisions. Therefore, some leaders believe that party Co-chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has been taking advantage of his ‘introvert’ nature. “Even Dahal was not for supporting Thapa as home minister,” said a Standing Committee member close to Dahal, adding that he was more a choice of Oli.

Dahal, threatened by his growing popularity during the decade-long insurgency, had taken action against Thapa but they were always together in the party after the Chunbang meeting that led the Maoist party towards the peace process.
However, later in 2012 Thapa sided with Baidya and split the party vertically, accusing Dahal of having betrayed the revolution. A year earlier, he had also sided with Mohan Baidya, Baburam Bhattarai and Narayan Kaji Shrestha in the Dhobighat incident that eventually elevated Bhattarai to the post of prime minister.

In 2016, Thapa, along with a majority of leaders in the Baidya-led party, returned to the mother party.
However, leaders coming from other factions--including one led by Netra Bikram Chand--have been “humiliated” and ignored. A group of leaders led by Tilak Pariyar had joined the Maoist mainstream deserting Chand’s party but Pariyar, who was included in the nine-member party secretariat, is just a central committee member along with Basanta Gharti Magar.

“We have sensed increasing factionalism in the party, which will neither create a party nor ensure justifiable inclusion,” Pariyar said, adding that the NCP leadership did not discuss with the groups joining the Maoist party any issues including the selection of the poll candidates, let alone other crucial issues.

However, leaders have urged the party leadership to settle the issues while forming the politburo and unified sister wings of the NCP. “Now the party can make some corrections,” said Pariyar.

Devendra Poudel, a standing committee member who joined the Maoist party deserting Baburam Bhattarai’s now-dissolved Naya Shakti Party, said that at the moment it seems like that most of the leaders from the Thapa faction have got more opportunities, but the issue should settle once the part unification process is over."

Source: http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2019-05-10/benefits-for-thapa-led-group-concern-leaders-of-the-maoist-stream-in-unified-communist-party.html