Between Worlds: The Vanishing Trance Rituals of Dhami-Jhankri Shamans

"SOURCE:  https://thewondernepal.com/articles/between-worlds-the-vanishing-trance-rituals-of-dhami-jhankri-shamans/"

Between Worlds: The Vanishing Trance Rituals of Dhami-Jhankri Shamans

In the dimly lit hearths of Nepal’s highlands, where stories still swirl with the smoke from firewood and prayer flags flutter in the mountain wind, there exists an ancient practice of crossing realms. The Dhami-Jhankri—Nepal’s indigenous shamans—have long served as spiritual bridges between the seen and the unseen, the living and the dead, the tangible and the mystical. Their trance rituals, once common throughout rural Nepal, are vanishing into memory. In today’s Nepal of smartphones and concrete cities, the old rhythms of the drum that summoned gods, spirits, and ancestral powers are fading—lost in silence.

Shamans of the Himalayas: Who Are the Dhami and Jhankri?

To understand the vanishing of these trance rituals, one must begin with the shamans themselves. The terms Dhami and Jhankri are often used interchangeably but bear subtle regional and functional distinctions. "Jhankri" is most commonly used in the hill regions and implies a shaman who enters altered states through drumming, chanting, and dancing. "Dhami" often implies a medium who becomes possessed or speaks on behalf of a spirit or deity, often in a more controlled ritual setting. Both roles blur the lines between healer, priest, oracle, and exorcist.

These figures are not trained in schools or temples. Their journeys begin with visions, dreams, or illness—what anthropologists term "shamanic illness"—a period of intense physical and psychological distress that is interpreted as a calling from the spirit world. Often a mentor shaman then guides the initiate through apprenticeship, teaching them ritual chants, cosmology, herbs, and the complex dance between the physical and spiritual worlds.

Entering the Trance: The Ritual Mechanics

A trance ritual typically begins with the beat of the dhyangro, a double-sided frame drum believed to summon and communicate with spirits. As the drumbeat intensifies, the Jhankri begins to chant mantras in esoteric languages—part Sanskrit, part local dialects, part spiritual tongue unintelligible to outsiders. As the rhythm deepens, the shaman’s body begins to shake. Their eyes may roll back, their voice might change. At a certain point, it is believed that a deity or spirit enters their body.

In some communities, the Jhankri dances around a ritual fire, often entering trance in front of the entire village. In others, the Dhami remains seated in a trance state, issuing oracles or instructions given by the deity possessing them. These sessions may address a range of issues—illness, bad harvests, ancestral disturbances, unseen forces, or spirit possession. Through trance, the shaman negotiates with these forces, offering sacrifices, chanting remedial mantras, or conducting rituals to restore balance.

Cosmology and the Spirit World

The Dhami-Jhankri worldview does not distinguish sharply between natural and supernatural. Mountains, rivers, forests, and rocks are all animated with spirit life. Illness, mental disturbance, or misfortune is often attributed to imbalances or disturbances in this spiritual ecosystem. The role of the shaman, then, is that of a mediator—someone who communicates with these forces and restores cosmic harmony.

Their trance is not mere performance. It is a religious and communal event, where boundaries between the self and other dissolve. The Jhankri is not merely pretending to be possessed—they are believed to truly embody the spirit of a god, an ancestor, or a natural force. For the communities that rely on these rituals, this transformation is not metaphor—it is fact.

Regional Variations Across Nepal

Trance rituals vary across Nepal’s ethnic tapestry. Among the Rai and Limbu communities of eastern Nepal, the Mundhum tradition provides a vast oral cosmology that underpins their shamanic practices. Their shamans, known as Nakchhong or Mangpa, invoke spirits of ancestors and nature in elaborate rituals that involve chanting of mythic narratives. Among the Tamang and Sherpa, the Bompo shamans blend Buddhist and animist elements, and often use trance to ward off spirits known as “gdon.”

In western Nepal, Dhamis act as mediums for powerful deities known as Kul Devta or village guardians. In possession rituals, Dhamis may take on the voice and personality of a particular deity, delivering prophecies or healing commands. In the hills of Rolpa and Rukum, trance ceremonies often coincide with seasonal cycles, involving community feasts and animal sacrifices.

From Healing to Performance: Trance as Cultural Theatre

In the past, trance rituals were intimate, practical, and woven into everyday life. If a child had a fever, a Jhankri might be called instead of a doctor. If crops failed, the community might sponsor a trance ritual to appease the local deity. But as biomedical care and modern infrastructure spread, the functional role of shamans has diminished. In many villages today, trance rituals are retained more as ceremonial performances—staged during festivals or tourism events rather than as integral aspects of daily life.

This shift transforms the shaman’s role from healer to performer. The trance, once terrifying in its rawness, becomes stylized. Chants are shortened. Drums are played for effect. The gods may still arrive, but their voices are now scripted.

Colonial and Religious Pressures

The decline of trance rituals has deeper roots, too. During the 19th and 20th centuries, Christian missionaries and state modernization efforts often labeled shamanic practices as "superstition." Schools discouraged indigenous rituals. Christian and Hindu reformers both attacked Dhami-Jhankri traditions as backward. In regions like the eastern hills, conversion to Christianity has further accelerated the decline of trance practices, especially among younger generations who are taught to see them as incompatible with their new faith.

Even in largely Hindu communities, state-endorsed temple priesthoods have often marginalized local trance healers. The introduction of formalized religion eroded the status of indigenous shamans who once served as spiritual leaders in their villages.

Modernity and the Fragmenting of Ritual Life

Perhaps the most potent force eroding trance rituals is not religion or science—but fragmentation. Modernity breaks the collective rhythms of rural life. Migration scatters families across cities and countries. Youth are educated in systems that ignore or ridicule ancestral knowledge. The communal spaces once used for trance rituals—village squares, shared forests, ritual houses—are now privatized or urbanized.

With each generation, fewer young people learn the old chants or drum rhythms. Those who do are often pressured to abandon them for more “respectable” careers. Some shamans quietly continue their work, but many have stopped performing in public altogether. In urban areas, trance rituals are either hidden or turned into folklore.

Voices from the Mountains: What the Elders Say

In the hills of Bhojpur, an elderly Jhankri named Purna Maya Rai speaks of dreams that once guided her. “When I was fourteen, the river called me,” she says. “I became sick. No healer could cure me. Then my grandfather appeared in a dream and gave me a mantra. When I woke up, I knew I had to drum.” She has performed hundreds of healing ceremonies since—but now, none of her children want to learn. “They say it is nonsense. They want to go abroad.”

In Kaski, an old Dhami recalls the days when villagers gathered in the courtyard to watch him enter trance and channel the goddess Bhagwati. “She used to speak through me,” he says. “Now they go to hospitals or YouTube.”

These voices echo across Nepal: a chorus of loss, of knowledge not being passed on, of power fading.

Digital Preservation and Ethical Dilemmas

In recent years, filmmakers, anthropologists, and spiritual seekers have attempted to document trance rituals before they disappear completely. YouTube is now filled with footage of Dhami-Jhankri ceremonies. Academic theses have been written. Festivals in Kathmandu showcase stylized versions of trance dances. Yet this preservation raises questions—does recording a trance ritual strip it of its sacredness? Can a trance, meant to be lived and embodied, survive as video?

Some elders resist documentation altogether, arguing that the spirits do not like cameras. Others welcome the interest, hoping it will revive respect for the practice. But digitization cannot substitute for participation. Ritual is not just information—it is experience.

Reimagining Continuity: What Can Be Saved?

The vanishing of trance rituals is not inevitable. In some communities, revival is underway. In Sankhuwasabha, youth groups have begun organizing apprenticeship programs for local shamans. In Lamjung, a women’s collective funds healing ceremonies and educates villagers about their ritual significance. In Dolakha, Buddhist shamans blend trance with mindfulness, offering spiritual counseling adapted for modern life.

These reimaginings do not aim to freeze the tradition but to evolve it. They ask: can the gods still speak in a changing world? Can the Jhankri still dance, even if the rhythms are different?

The answer lies not in nostalgia but in recognition. If trance rituals are to survive, they must be acknowledged not as primitive relics but as profound cultural technologies—ways of processing grief, maintaining social cohesion, and affirming human connection to land and spirit.

Conclusion: Listening Between the Worlds

Between the waking world and the unseen lies a space few dare to enter. The Dhami-Jhankri have long walked this threshold, risking madness, bearing suffering, and channeling the voices of gods and ghosts for the sake of their people. As they fade, so too does a way of being that honored dream, intuition, and mystery.

Nepal is changing, but its mountains still echo with drumbeats. Somewhere, in a remote village, a child may still dream of water spirits and wake with a chant on their lips. It is not too late. But saving this tradition requires more than documentation—it demands listening, believing, and returning to the spaces between worlds.

Let us not allow those doors to close.

 

Gods in Hiding: The Lost Deity Worship Traditions of Masta and Kul Devtas

 

SOURCE: https://thewondernepal.com/articles/gods-in-hiding-the-lost-deity-worship-traditions-of-masta-and-kul-devtas/

"Introduction

High in the hills of western Nepal, in the mist-shrouded valleys of Achham, Bajura, Doti, and other remote regions, gods once walked among the people. They were not distant celestial beings but powerful household and village guardians—Masta, Kul Devtas, and a myriad of local deities—worshipped through oral prayers, sacred groves, and trance rituals. These gods, unique to families, clans, and villages, embodied the land, the ancestors, and the very spirit of communal identity.

Yet, as Nepal rushes toward urbanization, digitization, and homogenized religion, these localized spiritual practices are vanishing. Sacred forests are cleared, rituals forgotten, and spirit mediums silenced. The ancient faith systems once central to life in the hills are now hidden—replaced by formalized Hinduism or ignored altogether.

This article explores the endangered traditions of Masta and Kul Devta worship in western Nepal, their roots, roles, and rituals, and the reasons for their rapid decline. It also asks: can these divine threads be rewoven into Nepal’s modern spiritual fabric?

Who Are the Masta and Kul Devtas?

The Masta are local deities primarily worshipped in Nepal’s far-western hills. Each Masta has its own area of influence—some are worshipped in one valley, others by entire districts. These deities are neither part of the mainstream Hindu pantheon nor Buddhist lineage but are instead animistic and ancestral, often associated with natural features, clan identity, and sacred geography.

Kul Devtas, on the other hand, are ancestral household gods worshipped by specific clans or extended families. They act as protectors, mediators of fortune, and recipients of intergenerational devotion. Though some Kul Devtas have been assimilated into broader Hinduism over time, many remain distinctly non-scriptural and ritual-specific, known only to the families who worship them.

In both cases, these deities are experienced and worshipped through oral tradition, shamanic possession, and seasonal rituals rather than texts or temples.

Ritual Practices and Sacred Geography

Worship of Masta and Kul Devtas typically takes place in sacred groves (ban mandir), ancestral courtyards, or open hilltops—locations believed to be spiritual thresholds between the human and divine realms.

In a typical Masta ritual, the following elements are observed:

• A Jhankri (shaman) or Deureni (spirit medium) invokes the deity through music, drumming, and trance.
   
• Offerings include local alcohol, flowers, goat sacrifice, and Dhami Jhankri chants.
   
• The deity is believed to enter the body of the medium, who then speaks on the deity’s behalf—blessing, diagnosing illness, or warning the village.
   

Kul Devta rituals, often held during Dashain, Maghe Sankranti, or ancestral feast days, involve:

• The entire family gathering for puja at the ancestral hearth or courtyard.
   
• Invocations that recall seven generations of ancestors.
   
• Ritual offerings of rice, tika, jamara, incense, and occasionally blood sacrifices.
   
• Oral recitations passed down, often in endangered local dialects.
   

Regional Examples of Masta Worship

1. Achham and Bajura: The Heartland of Masta

In Achham, nearly every village has its own Masta Ghar (god house). Some of the widely known deities include:

• Jay Masta of Ramaroshan
   
• Badi Masta of Mangalsen
   
• Sitaula Masta, Hingal Masta, and others, each with their own legends, behaviors, and preferences
   

These gods are believed to punish villagers if neglected, causing illness, drought, or livestock death. Thus, their worship is not only devotional—it is essential to village wellbeing.

2. Doti and Dadeldhura: Lineage of Kul Devtas

Many Brahmin, Chhetri, and Thakuri families in Doti trace their Kul Devtas back centuries. These deities are linked to their Thars (clan surnames) and often believed to reside in ancestral hills or sacred stones.

Each family has a unique set of rituals—kept secret and passed down orally, usually from father to eldest son. Some use a living tree, a shila (stone), or even a buried weapon as the deity’s resting place.

Decline of Local Deity Worship

The decline of Masta and Kul Devta worship is not an isolated phenomenon—it reflects larger patterns of religious, social, and environmental change in Nepal.

1. Migration and Diaspora

As young people move to Kathmandu, Gulf countries, or beyond for work, fewer remain in villages to carry out elaborate seasonal rituals. Children born in cities may never witness a Masta possession ceremony or know the name of their family’s Kul Devta.

2. Religious Homogenization

The rise of formalized Brahmanical Hinduism—along with the spread of Christian missionary and Buddhist revivalist movements—has marginalized non-scriptural local practices. In many cases, villagers have been told their traditional gods are “lower” or “superstitious.”

3. Environmental Degradation

Urban expansion, road construction, and deforestation have destroyed sacred forests and natural sites tied to deity worship. In Bajura, many Masta groves have been turned into pasture or cleared for buildings.

4. Loss of Oral Transmission

With elders passing away and younger generations disconnected, the oral chants, prayers, and genealogies tied to deity worship are vanishing. Unlike written scriptures, these traditions are not archived—and once lost, cannot be easily recovered.

The Social Role of Masta and Kul Devtas

Worship of these deities once served key social functions:

• Community Cohesion: Rituals brought entire villages together—regardless of caste or wealth.
   
• Health and Healing: Spirit mediums diagnosed mental and physical illnesses linked to supernatural causes.
   
• Moral Regulation: Fear of divine punishment encouraged ethical behavior and respect for elders and nature.
   
• Cultural Identity: In a diverse landscape, local deities anchored identity in geography and lineage.
   

With their decline, these social roles often go unfulfilled or are replaced by more commercialized, fragmented, or externalized systems.

Myth, Legend, and the Living Divine

Masta and Kul Devta traditions are rich in mythological lore. Many stories involve:

• A god appearing in a dream to an ancestor, asking to be worshipped.
   
• A divine snake, tiger, or bird leading the founder to a sacred site.
   
• A battle between village gods, leading to annual appeasement ceremonies.
   
• Oral genealogies tracing clans to semi-divine ancestors, kept alive through ritual recitation.
   

These myths are more than stories—they define territory, ritual calendars, and moral codes. The gods, in this worldview, are not above life but interwoven into it.

Revival and Preservation Efforts

Despite rapid decline, some communities and scholars are taking action to preserve these traditions:

1. Community Festivals

Villages in Bajura and Doti have begun reviving local festivals with help from youth groups and municipal governments. These festivals reintroduce music, dance, and rituals to younger generations.

2. Ethnographic Documentation

Researchers are recording oral chants, ritual practices, and genealogies in partnership with shamans and elders. Projects often include video archives, audio recordings, and publications in native languages.

3. Eco-Spiritual Protection

Sacred groves once protected by belief in local deities are now being preserved under environmental laws—acknowledging their dual ecological and spiritual significance.

4. Education in Schools

Some schools in rural areas are beginning to include lessons about local history and indigenous belief systems, helping children take pride in their own heritage.

The Urgency of Recognition

Without state recognition, Masta and Kul Devta traditions risk permanent disappearance. Nepal's focus on protecting temples and mainstream festivals has often ignored these invisible, oral, and land-bound forms of worship.

The following steps can help:

• Legal recognition of oral traditions as cultural heritage
   
• Preservation of sacred sites and groves
   
• Support for intergenerational transmission of rituals
   
• Respectful inclusion of local deities in national narratives—not as “superstition,” but as indigenous cosmology
   

Conclusion

The gods of Nepal’s hills are hiding—but not gone. They still whisper through the wind in the forests of Achham, stir in the stone shrines of Doti, and call through the dreams of aging shamans.

Masta and Kul Devta worship may not be found in temples or scriptures, but they embody the heartbeat of ancestral Nepal—a spiritual system where land, lineage, and life were indivisible. Their loss is not just a spiritual erosion—it is a cultural amnesia, a silencing of voices that once guided people through every birth, illness, harvest, and death.

To remember them, and to restore their place, is to reclaim a Nepal rooted in the land, not just the calendar—where the gods are still alive, waiting to be welcomed home."

The mysterious world of Nepal’s shamans

Took this excellent article from www.nepalitimes.com

SOURCE: https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-mysterious-world-of-nepal-s-shamans

Written By: Tshewang Lama and Nabraj Lama

 In the remote trans-Himalayan district of Humla across the border from the sacred Mount Kailash in Tibet, the cult of the Dhami and Dangri still acts as a go between the physical human form and its spiritual divine manifestation.

They are derivatives of shamanism and reflect the diverse social fabric of the Himalaya, and have its roots in socio-religious antecedents of the region’s present day inhabitants that predates the arrival of institutionalised religions.

The remnants of this shamanistic cult can still be found on both sides of the border in the upper Karnali Basin in Nepal and the sacred Lake Manasarovar and Mount Kailash in China. Passed down through generations, the Dhami and Dangri institution is deeply ingrained in Nepali culture, especially in the hard-to-reach Himalayan regions like Humla.

The institution of Dhami, the oracle shaman, is believed to be established through 'Avatarilo' (by incarnation), while the Dangri institution is established through 'Bangsyalo' (by heredity). When a reigning Dhami passes away, the knowledge and abilities of the Dhami is passed on to another person through a spirit transfer. The Dangri, meanwhile, imparts their expertise and knowledge within close clan members through teaching.

The Dhami serves as the medium for communication with the divine, while the Dangri is the spiritual helper and mediator between humans and the Dhami.

The spirit of the Dhami can move to any person, but the receiver must accept it. If a suitable receiver is not found, it is believed that the spirit waits for the right person, sometimes temporarily entering the body of the Dangri.

The Dangri also acts as the community's oral record keeper, passing on information exclusively to close family members. The Dangri provides all information to the Dhami, invites the God spirit, translates the language, and most importantly, updates and maintains the oral record of important events.

There are two contrasting world views when it comes to fulfilling one's desires, the old way, relying on divine power, and the new way, relying on state power. The old world view is followed by indigenous people living in peripheral regions of the Himalaya who rely on religion and magic. They are governed by divine power through faith and fear.

The new world view is prevalent in mainstream society, where so-called civilised people reside. They depend on state power, science, technology, and the rule of law to meet their needs.

The Dhami and Dangri institution plays a variety of roles in the daily lives of Nepalis in the high mountains. The Dhami is responsible for providing consultation, horoscope reading, fortune-telling, advice, wish fulfillment, health healing, conflict resolution, judgment, and socio-religious leadership. The Dhami demonstrates his authenticity through 'Sat' (spiritual perfection in fulfilling commitments) and 'Bidh' (exhibition of extraordinary miracle power). People value the 'sat', which represents their demand, but the power of 'bidh' is shown to validate his power of 'sat'.

The institution of Dhami and Dangri is mutually inclusive and begins with the Dangri inviting the spirit of a deity into the Dhami's body through prayers and offerings. The Dangri initiates the ritual by inviting the god from Heaven to the 'Kang-Tsho' (the fulcrum of the Himalaya). From there, the God descends through each Himalayan eco-zone (alpine, sub-alpine, temperate, sub-tropical, tropical, and the aquatic layer), symbolically mounting on the creatures of every layer. By doing this, the God is expected to grant wishes and prosperity to devotees.

Once the God arrives at the shrine site, the Dangri requests it to enter the Dhami's body to induce a trance. In this state, the Dhami is believed to become a divine being, unaware of their normal human life. Devotees can then ask questions to the Dhami through the interpretation of his Dangri.

The Dhami, in a trance, acts as a surrogate for God and responds to queries and communicates divine language called 'akhar', which is only understood by his Dangri. The lay devotees can understand it only through the Dangri's interpretation.

During the ritual, the Dangri makes specific requests to the God, asking for and fulfillment of desires. The God is asked to transform each place into valuable items like gold, conch, or turquoise, radiating vibrant colours. While the deity's journey takes place, male retinues are requested to accompany it on the right side and females on the left.

The desires of the indigenous people living in mountainous communities are often centered around basic needs: bridges over raging rivers, protection from rock falls along trails, a balance between sun and rain, restoring water to dried streams, adequate grass for livestock in the upland meadows, good harvests, children for couples struggling with infertility, opportunities for the young, longevity for the elderly, and nourishing food and sleep for those in need.

As modern lifestyles encroach even to the remotest high valleys of the Himalaya traditional institutions like Dhami and Dangri are in danger of disappearing. But their resilience in the face of modernisation is a testament to their continued importance in the everyday lives of the people of far-flung parts of Nepal. It still plays a vital role in enforcing communal law, guiding human behaviour, and preserving cultural and religious practices.

Tshewang Lama (Chhakka Bahadur Lama) is a Lama-turned-academic, hailing from Humla. He is a former MP from Humla and is currently the President of the Institute for Socio-Cultural Research and Analysis (SCRAnalysis).

Nabraj Lama is a research scholar and his work focuses on geopolitics, indigenism, international affairs. mail@nabrajlama.com

Magar Religion & Beliefs

As the education prevail in Magar community, more and more educated Magar scholars have started searching for its history. In Nepal where history means ‘History of Kathmandu’, there is very little written documents related to area and people outside Kathmandu. Few books on Magars have been published since then.

 

As a Magar myself I too have the curiosity to know my ancestors & their history and legacy. During or post panchayat era many Magar scholars had actively doing research and searching for the documents related to Magar history. Around 90s in quest for establishing our own identity, few Magar scholars like ‘M S Thapa Magar’ said and written that Magars are actually Buddhist. For some reason many educated Magars of that time have found it interesting (and meaningful to certain extent) and they have urged others to embrace Buddhist rituals and to leave Hindu rituals. Many stopped visiting temples, they have stopped celebrating Dashain tika, they have even started Buddhist rituals in birth, marriage and death. One of the reasons of this shift could be to establish ourselves out of Hindu caste system, where Magars are place below Brahmins & Chettris.

 

However, when I myself have started looking for the Magar history, I could not fully accept the theory that Magars were originally Buddhist. After so many years of reading and research I have come to the conclusion that this theory is wrong.

 

As I have mentioned in my earlier blog “Origin of Magars of Nepal”, Magars might have started migrating to Himalayas during 1500-2000 BC. DNA test has proved that Magars & Gurungs belong to the same family tree or group, similarly Rai, Limbu, Sherpa and Tamangs belong to same group. Even Chepangs are very close to Magars. The reason I have mentioned that Magar, Gurung, Chepangs belongs to same group is to show that Magar-Gurung-Chepangs have common ancestors. We got diversified in the course of time. I can even say that Tharu with Mongolian look are actually from Magar group, though I am not sure about Newars. Mongolian look Newar has to be from Rai-Limbu Family because of they are very much inclined toward Buddhism and their fairer skin compared to Magar-Gurung Family.  

         

And not to forget Thakali, Bhujels who also belonged to Magar-Gurung Family. So these groups todays Magars, Gurungs, Chepangs, Thakali, Bhujels, Tharu (Mongolian look), Mangars (Sikkim) either they diversified after they come to Nepal or at least they had a common family back in Tibet.

 

Today Magar community practice religions like Hinduism, Buddhism & Christianity. But is it all? But didn’t we forget about Shamanism, Animism & what about worshipping nature & ancestors? Now the question comes which religion is the religion of Magars. Here the main contenders (as per Magars scholars) are Hinduism and Buddhism, definitely not Chritainity because it’s a recent arrival in Nepal. But here I disagree with them. In this case I absolutely like the article and thoughts of ‘Jagman Gurung’. Even before Hinduism and Buddhism, we Magars were practicing Shamanism (for healing & other problems), worshipping our ancestors and worshipping the nature (mountains, river, earth, sun, moon, stars, well, air, fire etc). The fact is not only true for Magars but it si also true that it is the oldest religion of all the tribes all across the world, which need no proof. Hinduism and Buddhism came much later. In this case those who live near Indian border like Palpa, Gulmi, Syangja got more influenced by Hindu rituals, similarly those staying near Tibetan border like Dunnai, Dolpa, Mustang got influenced by Buddhist rituals. However, in middle there are many pockets/Magars which still follow the ancient rituals and not touch by either Hinduism or Buddhism. Kham Magars from Rukum & Rolpa are the perfect example of it. Recently I have seen in the youtube video that in Sikkim worshipping ancestors is still the biggest festivals of the Magars. It is called Barahi Festival. So, to present the theory that Magars are originally Buddhist is totally wrong.

 

It not only passing the wrong information to the Magars but it also alienating itself which is our own. For example, as written by Dr. Jagman Gurung in a recent article that Dashain is actually the festivals of Janjati specially Magars. One thing we need to understand that except the Sanskrit Vedas & Mantras everything else even the rituals are co-developed with influence of locals specially Magars and in this case Khas tribe. So, in short, the Hinduism we are practicing in Nepal right now is mixture of Vedic rituals, plus Magar culture & to certain extent Khas culture. So, disowning Hinduism completely is actually disowning our own culture. Why do you think all the major & famous Shakit Pithas/Devisthan have Magar Pujari? Do you think Rodhi, Sorathi, Kauda, Bhailo, Deusi, Maruni is brought by Hindu Brahmins. We still worship nature, many gods even don’t have names, we don’t need Brahmins to worship them. Do you think it is brought by Brahmins? No. Dr. Jagman Gurung even claim that using Jamara in Dashain has Magar culture influence and so is use of red colour in tika. Though red colour is prominent in Vedic cultures but in more recent times Kesari (orange colour) is the colour of Hinduism. Animal sacrifice is more prominent in Vedic culture & in Magar culture (Shamanism, bhog for ancestors and other spirits).

 

At the end, every person is free to practice whatever religion or ritual he wants. Here, my point is disowning Hinduism completely, is like disowning the culture which is our own.  More refined work or information is required in this field so that all Magars get the right & precise information.

--- Kamal Gaha Magar           

(Disclaimer; My point of mentioning M S Thapa Magar is only for this subject, otherwise I have a great respect for him and I truely admire for his effort & contribution towards research work on Magar culture & Identity)

The Ritual Use of Jhakro in Magar Community

 I found this new & interesting article on Magar culture, and hence publishing in my blog.

Source: Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 

Author: Prasad Prakash Sapkota 

 

Abstract

 

Human- plant relation is tightly attached on life of human beings. From the beginning of civilization, people used many plants and their products for different purpose to adopt with their environment. The essential and valuable materials including plant species are gathered, used, saved and always remain hunger for knowledge yet now. They developed different kinds of ceremonies and rituals and include valuable materials and plants within it to protect and remains as indigenous knowledge in particular communities and groups. In this context, I wants to raise the issue of material culture to search why people used plants in their rituals with reference to a plant species the Jhakro the Magars inhabitant of Baglung district, western Nepal. The research was carried out by using descriptive and exploratory research design. Observation, interview and group discussion were used in the field for primary data collection. The Magars are rich in their rituals among them death and kul pujane rituals are significant for cohesive and solidarity of the group; within these rituals a shrub plant species with special type of smell remains in central position for purity and soul. They believed that in death ritual all the polluted activities are purified and in kul pujane Jhakro acts as purity as well as help to join their ancestors with them. Unfortunately, they are unknown of the materialistic meaning of it due to lack of transferring knowledge. In etic aspect, this plant has important medicinal properties and the Magar preserved by keeping it in important rituals within their community.

 

1.        Introduction

 

This paper is based on field research, which was carried out in September 2010 to January 2011 within Magar community in Langaouan of Baglung District, western Nepal.

The word community is derived from two Latin words com means together and munis means serving. It means that the group of people living within a limited geographic area, share whole set of interests with we feeling, having complexity of relations as well as feeling more or less same sentiments and attitudes and possesses the basic institutions by means of which a common life is made possible. “A human community is a functionally related aggregate of people who live in a particular geographic locality at a particular time, share a common culture are arranged in a social structure, and exhibit and awareness of their uniqueness and separate identity as a group”(Bhusan et al., 1999).

 In each community, they have their own rituals which are continuously going on in their practice. They celebrate different rites and rituals which binds them in their own identity, cohesive nature and solidarity. They celebrate their rituals by different ways. In each system they use different kinds of materials, with giving the importance of different plant species. Rituals activities are transfer to their descendent but the knowledge and importance of such materials is going to be vanished continuously. In this context, this research paper is concerned with the study and searching of the answers, why some plants specie are important and required for rituals which remain in central position in different communities.

 Turner opposed Levi-strauss and Durkheim’s concept of the social structure. He argued that in passing from structure to structure many rituals passes through communitas- is a fact of everyone’s experience. Communitas is almost always thought of or portrayed by actors as a timeless condition, an eternal now, as “a moment in and out of time”, or as a state to which the structural view of time is not applicable. Turner’s strategy is to approach society not only as social structure it is the combination of social structure and communitas. He further said that preliterate societies, out of the need for mere survival, provide little scope for leisure. Thus it is only by ritual flat, acting through the legitimate authority vested in those who operate the ritual cycle that opportunities can be created to put men and women outside their everyday structural potions in family, lineage, clan and chieftainship. In such situations as the liminal periods of major rites de passage the “passengers and crew” are free, under ritual exigency, to complete for a while the mysteries that confront all men, the difficulties that peculiarly best their own society, their personal problems and the ways in which their own wisest predecessors have sought to order, explain, explain away, cloak or mask (cloak-conceal, mask-is to impose the features of a standardized interpretation) these mysteries and difficulties (Turner 1980).

 The society has social structure which forms strong and cohesive solidarity between the peoples and communities. The social system is promoted, operated and regulated within the society. People always search and hunger of knowledge. What type of knowledge he gather is old and on the base of it, wants to search new always to go forward continuously from its evolution. Knowledge helps to promote the social structure by increasing cohesive solidarity to adjust within their environment in each community and time. Norms and values are developed in time, space context by the people within their environment and refine continuously. For this they apply everyone’s experience and knowledge to operate the community for the better adjustment. In each society, newly born child begins to socialize s/he becomes aware about the norms and values what they could do or not for the survival within their circumstance. S/he learned, practiced and transferred the knowledge for each activities of the member within their communities for better adaptation at that time and context. The norms and values are in practice in the form of rites and rituals in legitimate form in each community. Member of the people in communities practice each their rites and rituals glorified as well as in the name of God and identities. Each rites and rituals of every society have their own meaning from 'etic' and 'emic' perspective; which advance and solidarity to cope with the environment.

 

1.1    The Magar

 

The Magar is one of the largest ethnic groups of Nepal. Census has reported that the population of the Magar is 1622421, which is 7.14 percentage of the total population of the country (CBS, 2001).The Magars are found mostly in hilly region of Nepal but they are widely spread all over the country. Majority of Magar community is concentrated in western and mid-western hills like Rukum, Rolpa, Baglung, Myagdi, Puthan,Salyan, Mugu, Palpa, Dang on the basis of their population. Nepal living standard survey (2004) states that 34.4% of the Magars are below the poverty line (Thapa Magar 2010).

 The Magars are simple having co-operative nature. The people having normal height, Mangolian face with wheat-white complexion. The face of Chiple Magar is flat and purple wheat- white in color but Salami and Serwai has slightly elongated face, which may be indicate the inter-breeding between the Magar and other clan (Sapkota,2008).

 There are no written documents that could provide factual information about the origin of Magar (Buda Magar, 2061). According to oral history they are the indigenous inhabitants of Magaranth. Magaranth covers large area ranging from the watersheds of Gandaki River to the west up to Karnali River. Magaranth was divided into two regional groups known as 12 Magaranth and 18 Magaranth (Magar and Roka, 2003). Respondents Dil Bahadur Thapa Magar argued that their ancestors were migrated from Humla and settle down in Longaoun of Baglung District. In the question of migration from Palpa District, they surprised with word and said we hearing from you, we don’t know. They commonly refused it and explain that our ancestors help to bring statue of Devi from Palpa to Baglung in turn. At that time, the people who take Khadga and walk ahead the statue are now called Khadka of Baglung bazaar. From this time Khadka perform the role of priest in Bhagabati temple of Baglung district. They respect us and since, at the time for worship Devi by Pancha bali (he-goat, he-buffalo, a couple of chicken or pigeon) we paid a minimum charge i. e. five paisa and one mana (half kilogram) rice. Priest returned all parts of sacrifices animals before the contract rule established in Bhagabati temple. On the basis of material culture that is Plow R. B. Thapa Magar of seventy years old said-

 I left here many years ago and settle in Mahakali Zone of Nepal.My other family members’ i. e brothers and other relatives are living here. Once a day when I was engaged to prepare a plow for the plowing of land in my home Mahakali, a neighbor friend came in my house and watched the structure of plow and said that you are Humli ? He added that he had visited Humla and watched the similar structure’s of plow used by Humli people for the plowing of land.

 Magars have their own language known as Magarkura, but less than half of them can speak it. Magars in some parts of western Nepal also speak the Kham, Kaike and Dhut as their mother language (Thapa Magar, 2010). In the study area all the Magars speak Nepali language and are unable to speak their own language.

 In each community, some plant species are used in their rituals activities according to believes norms and values. In Brahmin community, in death rituals Viringiraj a small herbaceous plant is necessary to complete their polluted ritual. In 'emic' prospective, they believed that this plant joined pretatama (soul) to their ancestors. In Magar communities they used 22 kinds of different plant species for their rituals and ceremonies like as Kharsu(Quercus semicarpifolia) used in bartabanda and birth rites and Baans(Bambus spp.),Jhakro, Shreekhanda, Lalupate are used in death rituals. They believe that these plant species purified the polluted situation and save from the evil eyes (Sapkota,2008).

 The Magars celebrate different rituals and ceremonies which make them unified, cohesive within the society. It also acts as the demonstrating social, political and cultural resistance. Within many rituals the word Jhakro plays central role in Magar community especially among the Chiple and Salami Magar of the study area. It is noted that “any formal action which is set apart from profanes action and which expresses sacred and religious meaning”, the  Jhakro has its own meaning in set formal action as death and kulpuja ritual for purity and soul within the Magar community.

 

1.1   The Jhakro

 

Jhakro is a name of a plant species. In the study area, there is a single plant of this species. It remains in the forest half an hour far on walking distance from the village. Whether it is cultivated by their ancestor or germinated itself, they do not know. It lies in difficult steep rock where people are unable to visit easily. When I observed the plant following with a respondent morphologically, the plant species is perennial shrub. The roots are tap and branched. The stem is erect, branched, solid and creamy in color. The leaves are arranged in whorl on the stem like as node. From this node small branches are developed. The leaves are petiolate, simple, whorl as well as alternate, entire, acute, exstipulate with unicostate reticulate venation. The leaves are shiny, thick with special type of smell. It is difficult to describe this species botanically because Magar cut the main stem of this plant with branches at the time of their rituals, so the plant has not any flowers and fruits.

 

2. Rituals and Jhakro

 

Life-cycle rituals continue to have significance in both simple and complex societies. In each society ritual action has their own meanings which are culturally transmitted through custom and tradition. Ritual action is seen in all areas of social life and is one of the key means. The individual and groups solve their problems in both the sacred and profane aspects of social existence. Customs and traditions remain alive from generation to generation with the cohesive attachment with their religion. In light of religion Durkheim argued that, religions are collective representations which express collective realities; the rites are a manner of acting which take rise in the midst of the assembled groups and which are destined to excite, maintain or recreate certain mental states in these groups. So if the categories are of religious origin, they ought to participate in this nature common to all religious facts, they too should be social affairs and the product of collective    thought (Durkheim,1950 copy in High Points of Anthropology,1980). In Magar society purity and profane of soul are deeply connected with the Jhakro at the time of death. In the life-cycle ritual, death is one of the most important unpleasant, painful and distressing rituals within the Magar community. When a member of the family dies, the other members of the family are to lament with tear. The neighboring members of the village assemble and the older member consoles them. The other member prepared death bed of green bamboo. The dead body is kept on the death bed and covered by shroud (a white thin cloth called kora) and yellow-red thick cloth called the pat. They think pat is a special and pure cloth use to remove pollution. Most favored food of dead people when he was alive, wine, kapur, shrikhanda, rice, flower etc. are put on the mouth of dead body and is taken to Kaligandaki river with spreading la (the mixture of fried rice, abir, coins and flowers) on the cross road. All the mourners offer jal (river water) in the mouth of dead body at last to pay homage to dead soul. Then, finally dagbatti (firing on mouth) is given by elder son and buried on the bank of the river and return to home. Next day, son engage in polluted activities called kiriya garne, at that time, they prepare small hut of tite pati (Artemisia valgaris) and vorlako leaf. Son and his wife and others who are participate in dead pollution remains untouchable, who eat rice without salt and worship their ancestors. They believe that the purity of Jhakro helps to reach soul in their heaven.

The dead pollution is completed on eleventh day. On eleventh day early morning at three, son baths on the tap or well and prepare 22 pinda (rounded stricture of rice and ghee) and keeps on the small branches of Jhakro near the ladder of Jhakro itself, symbol of soul and believes that the ladder help to join death body soul to their ancestors. The ladder, pinda are worships and he prays according to the advice of their priest-bhanja. Then again bathing activities occurs by son and becomes purified. All the polluted materials are buried by bhanja (sister’s son) and spread the mixture of cow urine, ghee, milk with dubo (Cynodon dactylon L.) for purifying of the family member as well as the house. The son receives tika from their bhanja and gives tika to his respective sisters, daughters and other relatives by arranging party including local wine. On the day the polluted ritual is over.

 

2.1 Kul pujane

 

In Magar community, Kul pujne (remembrance of their ancestors) is another important ritual. According to respondents, their ancestral god must be Chandi Baraha because He accepts pig scarifice. There is not clear cut demarcation of the years for Kul puja. In the study area, there is variation in the years of Kul puja between the Magar clans. Generally, they arrange Kul puja at the alternate of seven years. They arrange this ritual at the last of December or January’s bright half of a lunar month on Wednesday or Friday. The small branch of Jhakro is kept on the tap on bath in the morning on that day. The house is purified and smeared by the oil of sesame's seeds.

 The already prepared pure Jaman (unpurified local wine-jad), pure rice and ginger are eaten in the late morning. In the mid noon at twelve o’clock, all the members are gathered in the place of kul puja. There is not any temple or fixed place for kul puja. The clans are assemblage in an area and elder member fix the place in every ritual time. The older and knowledgeable members of Magar prepare a hut of titepati. The side of the hut is covered by the broad leaves of bhorlo. The hut has two steps, upper and lower. The ladder of Jhakro kept against the hut to join two steeps. Hens or cocks are also hung oppositely near the ladder. In the corner of the hut, hung a chindo (a dry cover of the gourd used as pot). Inside the chindo pot they put barley and sesamum’s seeds. Near the ladder, the effigy of kul debata is prepared by the mixture of rice, barley, sesames seeds, ghee etc. When the hens shake their feathers clearly, the people of Magars feel that the god is happy and accepted the gift, then after he starts the puja. The old and knowledgable member of the Magar worship their kul debata (ancestral god) with acheta, pati, cooked rice, pure wine and flowers. At the end of worship, alive heart of black pigs is offered by priest to the god. The ritual rule is that, if pig is female, the chicken must be male or vice-versa. From each family at least a chicken and a black pig must be sacrificed in that ritual. At the nearly end of worship, the priest or other older people catch the branch of Jhakro and tremble with speaking their past, present as well as occurring future events of their family members. This situation is more terrible for all the members of the family because they believe that god is speaking, who has occult powers. After the end of worship, the priest put tika to all the members. According to their respected level within their clan, they divide the different parts of the main sacrifices pig and chickens. Then they went to their home. They eat meat, rice, wine and celebrate happiness to all the members.

 

2.2 Cultural importance of Jhakro

 

Man is highly developed living beings than other organisms due to capacity of building culture and to adopt easily according to their environment. According to Tylor, culture is that complex whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities acquired by man as a member of society. The people acquired those culture which helps to adopt them easily. In Magar community, they acquired the importance of Jhakro from their ancestors. The two above described ritual’s activities are rounds around the plant species Jhakro. They believe that, it is a such type of plant which make purity of their polluted situation of life. They thought that, Jhakro helps to join their ancestors with them.

 Death and Kulpija rituals make the Magar community cohesive as well as solidarity. The rules of purity help for the good health of the members. The essential of black pig and chicken sacrifices in different rituals indicate the necessities of the development of animal husbandry and supplement of meet for nutrition. The Jhakro has many medicinal properties and remains in the central place of death and kul puja rituals of the Magar.

 

2.3 Symbiotic association between culture and Jhakro

 

To begin with, each society must cope with the problem of production-behaviorally satisfying minimal requirements for subsistence; hence there must be an etic behavioral mode of production. The technology and the practice of expanding or limiting the modes of reproduction. The mode of production and reproduction forms the structure. At that time behavioral superstructure is formed. Mental and 'emic' superstructure, meaning the conscious and unconscious cognitive goals, categories, rules, plans, values, philosophies and beliefs about behavior elicited from the participants (Harris,1980).

 Marvin Harris is more interested in deciphering the development of specific cultural traits within one society through the use of an etic as well as 'emic' approach and the application of cultural materialism. He argues that we should give materialist’s reasons for the phenomenon. As mention Harris, Jhakro should have own special meaning in Magar community and the ancestors of Magar introduced it in central value within most important rituals- death and kulpujane. Unfortunately, the important indigenous knowledge of this plant is not known by the Magars of the study area now. Though, the importance of this plant species has been vanishing among them but practice in their culture is continuously going on.

 The cultural traits such as death and kul pujane rituals in Magar community show the symbiotic relations with the plant Jhakro. Though, the Jhakro remains in a single plant in the study area. It is protected due to cultivate or self germinated in difficult steep rocky area in the forest where normally people are unable to destroy it.

 On the other hand it is only used in ritual purpose now a day. The Jhakro plant helps to save the cultural rituals of Magars, and their belief and values within the societies. It seems that cultural values and the Jhakro are remains as two sides of same coin within the Magar communities.

 

3. Conclusion

 

In any society of the world, cultural traits are developed by the human beings for their better adaptation within their environment. Environment is changeable. Within this situation human should adjust in changing ecosystem in their society. Food, shelter, cloth and good health are essential to adjust there. For good health people search different plant species, their character and importance. The most of the medically important plant species are saved when they are interlinked with their important cultural traits. In Magar community, the Jhakro and cultural traits death and kulpujne rituals are tightly connected. It makes the Magar community cohesive, solidarity and share we feeling. Symbiotic association between culture and Jhakro is found in Magar community but as Marvin Harris argues, there is materialistic meaning of each cultural trait, but it is vanish within the Magar of the study area about the Jhakro. They only express that Jhakro is pure and essential plant species which is necessary to make happy for our ancestral god as well as to save our dead soul and complete the polluted rituals. In the analysis of 'etic' prospective, the plant Jhakro is one of the most important medicinal plants. It has special smell which can be used as pesticide and other medicinal propose locally, though chemical analysis has not been carried out till now. In the name of modernization, most of the people ignore their cultural values and materials and increase dependency on allopathic medicine day by day. Increasing dependency will not save communities in terrible change in ecosystem of any corner of the world.