ORIGIN OF MAGARS OF NEPAL - IV (Where did the Magar come from? / Genetic studies of Magars of Nepal)

Hi Guys, in 2016 when I have written about the Origin of Magars of Nepal. Today with some more materials available in the internet with concerned topics I have thought to update you guys.

First, I want to mention that my last prediction of the date that we must have migrated to Nepal around 2000-1500 BC is pretty close to the date find out by research. My assumption of that time was based on whatever materials I have read that time.

But, this time I have more proof with me. Please find the source of the article at the end of the article and you guys can yourself  go and read the entire article in their respective websites.

All these three different articles presented here today will clarify what I wanted to said in my last article (Part III ).

Here, I have found one more thing that Gurungs are the closest tribe to us probably we could have belong to single stock long back.

So here are those articles:

1. “ It was observed that our study population comprised both Tamangic (Gurung, Tamang) and Magaric (Magar) groups of Tibeto-Burman language family, based on assessment of ethnicity from ethno-linguistic questionnaire (Table 4). Further investigation of phylogenetic relationship between the Gurung, Tamang and Magar groups showed clustering of the Tamangs with Tibetans10, Tamangs10 and Sherpas9 while Gurungs and Magars showed genetic relatedness with those from Kathmandu, Nepal9,10 (Fig. 4). Gurungs and Magars were also closely clustered suggesting common origin of these two ethnic groups (Fig. 4). This interesting observation, however, is required to be substantiated by increasing the markers and the ethnic groups. Although little is known about Tamang history, it is believed that they came from Tibet possibly around 3000 years ago. The Magar people (genetically and physically Mongoloid/East Asian) are believed to have migrated from Tibet via Sikkim although their origin is shrouded in mystery. Origin of Gurungs is also uncertain though linguistic evidence suggests that their ancestors may have migrated from Tibet about 2000 year ago. They are predominantly of Mongoloid racial stock and speak a language which largely belongs to the Tibeto-Burman language family32. Time estimation results indicate that people from Tibet began to migrate to Nepal around 6000 years ago11 which is also in agreement with the archeological findings of reported sharing of Neolithic features between Nepal and Tibet33 and historically recorded passes (Kodari and Rasuwa) which had connected the Nepalese and the Tibetans since the ancient times34. A recent study has revealed presence of Denisovan haplotype in the Himalayan population35.”

Source : nature.com

2. “ The Magar are a tribe which is representative of Tibet, with little South Asian genetic input presumably. The Newar are the Nepalese hybrids par excellence. To a great extent they can be viewed as the indigenous peoples of the Kathmandu region at the heart of modern Nepal. Their language is of Tibetan affinity, and yet it is heavily overlain with an Indo-Aryan aspect, and seems to have within it an ancient Austro-Asiatic substrate. Though predominantly Hindu today, the Newar have a substantial Buddhist minority whose roots may go back to the original Mahayana traditions which were once prominent in northern India. The Brahmin and Chetri groups are upper caste communities who claim provenance from the north Indian plain. Some of these upper caste groups in Nepal are of recent vintage, having fled the Islamic conquests of the Gangetic plain within the last 1,000 years. And yet even they have obvious Tibetan admixture. This should make one cautious about the excessive claims to genetic purity which South Asian caste groups make.
But admixture of a Tibetan or East Asian component in South Asia is not limited to Nepal. I have reedited a figure from a 2006 paper on Indian Americans which shows the inferred components of ancestry of various language-groups. It is clear that the northeastern groups, Bengalis, Assamese, and Oriya, have an affinity to East Asians. This is not just ancient east Eurasian ancestry, the “Ancestral South Indians” hypothesized in Reich et al.. The South Indian groups (which I have excised from the figure) do not exhibit the same level of elevation of the ancestral quantum dominant among the Han Chinese in the bar plot. In fact the Reich et al. paper also reported evidence of an eastern ancestral element in some of the Munda speaking groups of northeast India.
So we see that genes do flow around the margins of South Asia, and into it. And yet Tibet seems oddly insulated. Why? Because of adaptation. Like water, it seems in this case genes tend to flow downhill, not up, and the reason is likely the fitness differentials between lowland and highland populations along the slope of the Great Himalayas. ”

Source: www.covermagazine.com

3. “ This identified the Rai, followed by the Magar and Tamang as the genetically closest Nepalese ethnic groups to the Sherpa (Additional file 1: Table S5). It is noteworthy that the Magar are believed to have originally migrated from the same region of Tibet as the Sherpa

The (Tibetan-ANI) admixture events were then dated in the admixed Nepalese subgroups (Newar, Magar and Tamang) using Rolloff [20]. Results correlate well with the documented arrival dates of these ethnic groups to Nepal [6, 21]. Assuming a generation time of 30 years, our analysis dated an admixture event to have occurred in the Newar 1,504 YBP (years before present, 50.13 generations), which correlates well with historical records that have suggested the Newar have resided in Nepal since the early 4th century [21, 22]. We dated admixture events for the Tamang and Magar as 1233 YBP (41.09 generations) and 866 YBP (28.87 generations) respectively. These dates correlate well will historical records that suggest the Tamang’s arrival in Nepal around the 8th century, and the Magar’s in Nepal in the 12th century.

Elevated levels of ROH were also detected in all the other Nepalese groups (Magar, Rai, Newar and Tamang), and Sherpa from the villages of Thame, Lukla, Namche, Forte and Solukhumbu, suggesting both ancient and recent shared ancestry as a cause of elevated homozygosity in these subgroups. The observed patterns of homozygosity across the ROH thresholds for the Sherpa from Khumjung and Kunde indicates ancient shared parental ancestry, most likely due to isolation and small Ne, with little recent consanguinity”

Source : www.bmcgenomics.biomedcentral.com

Hope after reading it you guys have better understanding regarding our genology.

I have even read that we could have possibly come directly from Tibet & not via Burma as per Hayden et al, 2007. But further research needs to be done here.

Edit 1: In first case its from the article "genetic diversity in Gorkhas in www.nature.com" its clearly mentioned that people have started migrating from Tibet to Himalayan region around 6000 years ago. They have also mentioned that Magars might have come to Nepal around 2000 years ago ie. 1st millennium CE.

Looking for you guys suggestions and comments as always !!!!!

Barah Magarat : History

Guys, after many days I have found a good article in Kantipur about the Magars. Many had heard that the ancestors of the Shah dynasty were Magars, but there seemed to be a lack of facts on this point. But after reading this article, there is a strong belief that the history of the Shah dynasty goes hand in hand with the Magars.

Here I would like to add that if there is fact in this matter, then surely this matter is important for every Magar and this matter in itself will get an important place in the history of Magar. And the story of Shah Dynasty will start from Bhirkot / Lasargha and not from Gorkha.

So this is the article published in Kantipur.

The same event of the capture of Gorkhakot from Mansingh Khadgamgar under Dravya Shah on September 25, 1616 BS later unfolds as the starting point for the formation of the present day Nepal. This article will revolve around the royal Cuttack, which arrived in the last Magar kingdom of Magarat 460 years ago.

Magarat

Argha, Khanchi, Gulmi, Isma, Musikot, Ghiring, Baldhengadhi, Rudrapurgadhi, Deuchuli, Tanhang / Tanu-Hula '(Tanahu), Parbat, Galkot, Rising, Ghiring, Bhirkot, Satahu, Indigenous feudal areas including Garhu, Paiyun, Dhor, Kaski, Lyhe-Muu-Hula (Lamjung), Kahu, Liglig, Gorkhakot, Bungkot, Bahrakot (Bahkot), Targhakot (Takukot), Makwanpur were included. Somewhere as a tribal state, somewhere as a rajauta and local feudal lord. No own coin, no permanent army.

Magwar is the ancient name of Magarat. The origin of the Magars, or Magarat, was the region from the Marsyangdi River to Pyuthan (Pant / Sharma - The Two Earliest Copperplate Inscriptions from Nepal, Missions Paper, p. 6). Considering Nisi-Bhuji as the border, the western part was known as 18 Magarat and the eastern part as Barha Darlam, meaning 12 Magarat. Pang (Kham) is spoken in 18 Magarat (Rapti) and Dhut Magar is spoken in 12 Magarat (Gandaki) (Budhamagar, Political History of Bhojvikram-Magar caste, pp. 69/73).

The various kingdoms of the same twelve Magarats, which were initially said to be Magars in the early days of their existence from Ridi-Bhirkot and later became known as Thakuri by holding the title of Khan / Sahi / Shah, were swallowed up one after the other. Many Magar-administered areas like Bhirkot, Satahu, Garhu, Baldheng, Kihun, Ramkot seem to have fallen into the hands of the Khans without a fight. However, where there was a Gurung area, the Khans had to face a fierce battle.

Thus, in the Magar states of the Twelve Magars, when the royal cuttack reaches Gorkha Majhkot, it turns into a fierce battle. After fifteen days of continuous protests, the last Magar kingdom of the Twelve Magars falls into the hands of Gorkha Majhkot Dravya Shah. The same event of the capture of Gorkhakot from Mansingh Khadgamgar under Dravya Shah on 25 September 1616 BS later unites as the starting point for the formation of today's Nepal. This article will focus on the royal Cuttack, which came to play the royal tune in the last Magar kingdom of the fourteen hundred and sixty years ago.

From Lasargha to Gorkhakot

Dharma Pal, son of the feudal lord Gaj Brahma of the feudal area of ​​the Khas kingdom, had established an independent kingdom called Ribdikot around 1480 BS when the independent existence of small kings and rajautas began to be seen in the western Khas kingdom. After this, Argha, Khanchi, Dhurkot, Musikot, Isma and Parbat were also established as independent princely states in the hilly areas around Kaligand.

Rudra Sen moved the seat of the Sen kingdom of Ribdikot to Palpa (Khanal, Mohan Prasad-Political History of the Sen Kingdom, p. 19). In Baldhengadhi near Ribdikot, a strong kingdom of Magars existed. Around the same time as the Sen state was established in Gandaki province, the 'Khan' state was established in some northern part of the same province. The Khans had established eight kingdoms as they advanced eastwards and reached Gorkha. These states were also called the Eight Vaccines.

It is mentioned in the genealogies written at different times that the local roots of today's Shahs arose from the Jain (Jait) 'Khan / Khanna' in Lasargha around 1500 BC. A few years later, the foundation of Bhirkot Thakurai seems to have been laid by cultivating land in Khilung on the right bank of Andhikhola (Brief Biography of Acharya Baburam-Shri 5 Bada Maharaja Prithvinarayan Shah (1), p. 6).

According to the Gorkha dynasty, Jain Khan's son Surya Khan rose from Lasargha and established a kingdom in Khilung. His eldest son Karhancha (Khancha) left Khilung and ruled in Bhirkot and his youngest son Mirhancha (Micha) in Nuwakot. In the native Magar dialect, Karhancha means eldest and Mirhancha means youngest. If the Shahs were Rajputs from Chittaur, why did they have to keep their sons, the eldest and the youngest, in the native Magar dialect?

The descendants of Karhancha grew up from Bhirkot and ruled over Dhor. Mirhancha took his son to Navkot in Bahardarlam around 1510 BS. Bahadurlam is a Magar settlement. Although his eldest son Bhakti Khan remained in his native kingdom, the youngest Bichitra Khan was not only satisfied with the Magar settlements around Andhikhola but also took control of the settlements to the north and formed an independent state. This state later came to be known as Kaski State (Acharya, Baburam-Nepal's Brief History (2), p. 89).

After the bizarre mine, Jagati Khan snatched the kingdom of the Ghales in Ghale (Khol, Siklis, Armalakot) from the leadership of the local ruler Rakse Gurung and incorporated it into the Kaski kingdom of Khans. A (Mechi to Mahakali, Part 3, p. 445). He took the name 'Kulmandan' in place of Jagati as he was able to expand the Kaski kingdom and increase the prestige of the clan. The Kulmandal seems to have been more of a Kulmandan than a Kundan Mandan compared to the Mandan king Nala of the mythical Kundin country (Sharma, Gopinath-History of the Twenty-Four Kingdoms, p. 32).

He had seven brothers and a son. The eldest Narraj Khan was the king of Kaski. First Kalu Sahi and later Jasbam (Yashobrahm) Sahi were taken to Lamjung and made king. After the same Narraj Khan used the title of 'Sahi', Yashobrahm also assumed the title of 'Sahi'. Narahari Sahi, the eldest son of Yashobrahma, was the king of Lamjung, and he sent his youngest Dravya Sahi as administrator of Raginaskot in Magarat, southeast of the Marsyangdi and Chepe rivers (Acharya, ibid., P. 90).

The same Dravya Shah captured the native Magar-administered Ligligkot in 1515 BS, and on 25 September 1616, he defeated Mansingh Khadga of Majhkot, now the Gorkha Durbar, and conquered the last Magar kingdom of the Twelve Magars. At the same time, the Sahi Cuttack rested over the Magar kingdom in the Twelve Magars, and after that it moved forward to increase the size of the unitary Sahi kingdom by swallowing the Tamu, Tamang, Newar, Kirant and other native kingdoms.

Iron to cut iron

In Gorkha Vek, the population of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Dalits in the western hilly region, which had been moving and migrating during the recent expansion and dissolution of the Khas and Palpa states, had become dense. Certain rites, cultured Brahmins, Kshatriyas were feeling uncomfortable and insecure in the native culture, accustomed to practice.

The antagonism between the two communities intensified when the native Magars could not cope with the growing aspirations, strength and numbers of the visiting Brahmins and Kshatriyas. The feudal lords, who had been holding back the traditional social norms, did not have the ambition and need to address the aspirations and needs of the newcomers to the East to meet the many aspirations and growing needs from the West.

The Kshatriyas and their poor Brahmins, who had become centralized in Gorkha from Khas, Parbat, Isma, Palpal and other places, were not able to cope with the wisdom, strength and tactics of the native Magar community.

In the same way, the anti-crocodile crocodiles had adopted crooked cunning to cut iron by inciting the indigenous crocodile Gangaram and others who were dissatisfied with the feudal system.

The intense antagonism between the Ghale / Khadga Magars living between Bhusundikhola Panidhalo, Chepe Panidhalo and Daraundi Panidhalo and the Rana, Vushal, Maski, Pulamimagars did not suffice.

Ganesh Pandey from Palpa, Narayandas Aryal from Isma, Sarveshwar Khanal from Argha and Bhagirath Panth from Keshav and Keshav Bohara from Salyan formed a front and the group refused to accept the native Magars as their rulers. After Gangaram, who was dissatisfied with the Magar ruler for various reasons, joined the same group, the group took the opportunity to satisfy their cravings by putting forward the material of Bhirkote Khan / Sahi Khalak, who was running the administration of Raginas.

The tenth that Magar did not obey

Mainstream historians have mentioned that Dravya Shah captured Ligligkot by defeating the Ghalemgars who joined the race on the tenth of 1615 BS to choose their king. However, it is not clear why Dravya Shah invaded Liglig on the day of Vijayadashami by killing the Ghales who had joined the king's race. The Ghales were followers of Tibetan Buddhism.

Therefore, Vijayadashami of the Hindus was not a festival for him (Acharya, Ihi (1), p. 43). According to the legend, after the division of the Palpali Sen kingdom in 1605 BS, when the native Dalsur Ghalemgar was the administrator, many controversies arose.

At the same time, it was the time when those who were strong were considered to be the strongest in defending their territory, and the practice of the Ghales was a part of measuring that 'strong' strength. Dravya Shahi, while practicing a fast republic below Liglig Mahavilathok, cut the five houses participating in the race and spread the melody of 'winged' unitary literature in Liglig.

Inclusive forces

Dravya Shah had brought some Lamjunge Gurungs with him when he came to kill Liglig, whom he later appointed as Umra. By the time of Ram Sahi, Warpak, Syartan, Athar Sayakhola, Salyan, Vasyahari, Khari, Maidhi, Dhading and other states were merged into Gorkha.

After the Khan / Sahi intervention in Ligligkot, Majhkot, Upallokot, Tallokot, Sihranchowk and Ajirgarh, the power of Magar, Baram, Kshatriya, Brahmin, Majhi, Kumal, Dalit and Gurungs was already integrated with Gorkhali. Similarly, Dravya Shah was carried from Raginas to Gorkha by the Brahmins (Identification of the Baram and Chhantyal-Baram castes, p. 28). The Kumals of Gorkha were mobilized as runners during the expansion of the Gurkha kingdom and acted as messengers (Mukhiya, Study of the Baghvir-Kumal Caste, p. 29).

As the Gorkhas increased in size, the country's largest fighting force merged into a single military camp. It has nowhere to be found in state armies with a definite single ethnic composition Kier did not stand. Even the powerful British troops stationed in Nagarkoti and Guhar, which were hired by the kings of the Kathmandu Valley, could not hold out for more than a decade after the state of the valley fell under Gorkhali Taro.

The brown-tailed deer of Kot and Thumaipicha had become a source of excitement to the people by appeasing the state and the feudal lords. On top of that, the rapid change of such feudal lords had aroused the need for a stable and strong state among the people. The increasing migration and the association with the newcomer consciousness from the west to the east had led to a sharp contradiction with the traditional governing consciousness of the society.

The society was transformed into a collective ethnic structure while the ruling army of the country was in a mono-ethnic form. As a result, with the combination of collective wisdom and strength, such single ethnic forces could not stand in front of the inclusive Gurkha army. On the contrary, it had a strong response to the Gorkhali attack until the army of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur had a strong military force in the army of Kirtipur.

But when the strategy of splitting the Gorkhalis and killing them at the same time was advanced, the mono-ethnic army of the valley did not even get a chance to raise its head with the multi-ethnic army of the Gorkhalis. On the contrary, the comparatively inclusive Lamjunge army, on reaching the northeastern region by defeating the Gorkhalis, was always on the sidelines.

After the Unified Gurkha army squeezed the arrogance of the British and Muslim armies in Sindhuli and Makwanpur, it moved forward aggressively. As much as the Gurkha state incorporated the Bhure-Takure state, the result of the Gurkha expansion campaign eventually took the form of a gigantic country and raised the flag of existence as Nepal. After the great encounter of Nepal with the British on various fronts in 1872 BS, the Nepali morale of state expansion has shrunk in the relentless efforts to preserve the independence, freedom and self-respect of today's geography.

.....

Thus, the Gorkhali Shah dynasty, led by a society that proved itself superior by concentrating collective and inclusive power on the weakness of the military and state structure of a single character, came to the time of Mahendra and focused on unity in a single language, a single disguise, a single thought. Unable to cope with the growing reality of color.

Forgetting the fact that he had knelt before others five hundred years ago in the decisive struggle between social pluralism and autocratic unity, the new necessity developed in the monarchy society, led by Mahendra's mono-conscious power, could not stand in the decisive struggle of social relations and departed forever. Just as yesterday's mono-ethnic powers collapsed due to multi-ethnic social realities, so too did the reality of social pluralism dismiss monarchical monotheism.

Shahi Cuttack in Gorkhakot

Less than a year after Liglig's invasion, he and his army reached Dravya Majhkot (now the site of the Gorkha Durbar). Dravya Sahi was anointed by Narayandas Aryal as the 'King' of Gorkha on 25 September 1616, after the sword king was killed on the sixteenth day after a fifteen-day long battle. In the same way, the kingdom of Gorkha Majhkot, which was added by Dravya Sahi, had reached Sihranchowk, Ajirkot in his time to celebrate victory.

After winning and losing many times till the time of Narbhupal Sah, Gorkha Barpak, Salyan, Khari, Maidhi, Dhading, Simjung, Mazhuwa, Syartan, Athar Sayakhola, Baseri, Charange, Nibharchowk, Firkep and Katunje were captured and reached Gorkha on the Trishuli River. In the time of Narabhupal, Gurkha was present as a state with 12,000 households before Prithvinarayan's rule after he was defeated in Jhitikatak of Kathmandu.

Muslims or not?

Controversial debates over who were the ancestors of the Shahs who later became rulers in central Nepal through different parts of Nepal are not entirely new. Some have speculated that they were Muslims because they were given the title Khan and the Shah's ancestors had names like Khancha and Mincha.

However, this argument does not seem particularly strong. Instead, the list of facts that the ancestors of the Shahs were Magars is abundant. The Magars of the Gandaki region made great progress and formed a union of twelve Khans (kings) and established a kingdom called 'Barha Magarat'. All these places had their own khans (kings). However, the khan (king) of Bhirkot was fond of Badakhan (Sharma, ibid., P. 4).

Alam Devi of Lasargha is the fort of Jain Khan. The victory flag of Durga Bhavani is hoisted in the fort. Vijay Dhwaj is called 'Alam' in the local language. That is why Durga Bhavani is called Alam Devi. Alam Devi is the Khan of Athtika and the family goddess of Sahi / Shah dynasty. The worship of Alam Devi takes place from the unmarried Maski Ranamagar (Gurung, Jagman - Cultural Heritage of Gandaki Flowing Area, p. 102). Until he reached Gaddinsin in Kathmandu, he used to visit an Asarfi Alam Devi from the royal palace every year (Sharma, ibid., P. 9).

Abhay Ranak (Magar) of the Palpali Sen dynasty mentions that Sen married Kantimati, the daughter of a Magar king named Gajsingh of Makwanpure, in the genealogy of the Sens (Ghimire, Bishnu Prasad-History of the Palpa Kingdom, Part 2, p. 15). Mukunda Sen was of the thirteenth generation of Abhay and Kantimati. Mukunda Sen was also married to Mahadevi Suvarnamala, daughter of Magar Raja (?) Of Parkot.

Manikya Sen Palpali Gaddim was born from them (Gurung, Jagman, Historical Narrative of Tamuwan, p. 19).

Books written from Sikkim also refer to the Sen dynasty kings as Magar kings (Pradhan, Kumar-ek Prahar, p. 6). In the handwritten book 'Naradasmriti' in the Keshar Library, Sen King Mukunda Sen is mentioned as the Magar King. The friendly agreement reached between the Malla kings of Kathmandu in the first decade of the seventeenth century states that they should unite to avoid the invasion of the Palpali Magars.

Prithvinarayan's kingdom was Mawli Palpali Sen. His mother Kaushalyavati was the daughter of Palpali king Gandharva Sen. It is not only interesting to observe the behavior of Gorkhali / Bhirkote Khan / Shahs with the Palpali Sens who have shown Magar by different genealogies, notes, behavior, but its depth helps to find the special roots of Shah dynasty. Prithvinarayan himself is found to have proclaimed 'I am the King of Magarat' (Yogi and Acharya, Divya Upadesh, p. 28).

Folklore has it that the Magars, who are the closest allies of the Khan / Shah Thakurs, are also known as the Mawli Khalaks of the Thakurs (Subedi, History of the Rajaram-Kaski Kingdom, p. 87). Expanding from Bhirkote 'Khan', it is equally interesting to see that Maski Ranamagar is the priest in Alam Devi, the ancestral worship of the Sahi / Shah. If we look at the universal practice of every family, tribe, clan having only priests of their own dynasty in the temple where the clan of any dynasty is worshiped, then the question of why there are only crocodile priests in the temple of clan worship of the Khan / Shahs helps to understand the ethnicity of the Shahs.

According to the legend prevalent in Shah / Khan / Sen, Bhupalji Rao worshiped Wange (Chwanche) and ate the meat of Chwanche (pig). Were Pigs are still sacrificed at Alam Devi during Dashain. Even the Shah kings of Nepal used to offer pigs and liquor to Alam Devi till the middle of the Rana period just like the Magars. It is only later that the Shah kings started offering bundles in place of pigs.

Not only in Lasargha Alam Devi, the Magars have been kept by the Shah dynasty monarchs everywhere and made priests in the temples of their deities and goddesses. Sarumagar in Bhirkot, Baralmagar in Gahraunkot, Saru in Nuwakot, Pulami in Satahunkot, Chumi Thapa in Sarangkot, Darlami in Dhorna, Dudharana in Lamjung, Bhusal / Maski in Gorkha Kalika, Sarjari in Dhading. This forces the Shahs to focus on the ethnic Maghos.

Khan / Sahi / Sah / Shah

The 'dynasty' that Ram Shah used to write Chitravilas seems to have connected the ancestors of the Shahs to Chittaurgarh. But since the Gurkha dynasty of Gorkha is Chandravanshi and the Rawal dynasty of Chittaur is Suryavanshi, after Ram Shah's attempt to link the Sahis to Chittaur was exposed, it seems that Dharanidhar (commentator?) Was tried to correct it by writing 'Goraksha dynasty'.

This time, an attempt has been made to show the Suryavanshi by raising the Sahi dynasty from the Suryavanshi king Ayativum. In 'Gorakshadhis-Champu' written in the time of Rajendra Bikram, an attempt has been made to prove the Gorkhali Shah dynasty as the Rana dynasty of Chittaur. The 'Biography' and 'Gurkha Genealogy' written by Sherman Singh and his brother Buddhiman Singh in Rajendra's time also link the Shah dynasty to Rishiraj Bhattarak Ranaji Rao of Chittaur

.....

Jain seems to have the title of 'Khan' in Turkish, which means king / chieftain / eminent person. It seems that the royal title held by the Kalyal kings of Jumla at first as Rai and later as Sahi was imitated by Jagati or Nararaj Khan of Kaski. The book written in the time of Ram Shah seems to have used both Sahi and Sah. Since Jahangir Shah was in power in Delhi at that time, it can be understood that he wanted to write Delhi 'Sah' instead of Jumli 'Sahi'. But the use of Sahi seems to have been shifting to the time of Prithvinarayan.

In the seal stamped by Prithvinarayan in 1811 BS, he has kept the title of Sahi. During his time, there was a tendency to treat unmarried children as 'Sahi' and married children as 'Sah'.

Palpali Mukunda Sen (II) used the title 'Bahadur' in Turkish to denote bravery and heroism, so the same can be said of 'Shamsher Jang Bahadur' by adding 'Bahadur' to the Persian words 'Shamshir' and 'Jang' The title was held by Prithvinarayan - Acharya, Uhi (1), p. 39-41). In the time of Tribhuvan, the pure form of Persian 'Shah' was changed to 'Sah' and later the title 'Shah' was written. "

Author: Yadav Devkota. Many thanks to Devkota Ji for this invaluable article. 

Source: www.ekantipur.com 

Ghatu Dance of Lamjung

D

evotees lined up inside the Tashi Chhyoling Gumba of Nalma village, recently on Buddha Jayanti to prepare the Ghatu dance. Interestingly, although the day begins with offerings and lamps for the Buddha, the dance begins by invoking Hindu gods.

Ghatu seems to bring many cultures and languages together across the mountains of Central Nepal. In Nalma village, a two-hour ride from the district headquarter of Besishahar, four young girls are dressing up in traditional Gurung costumes to prepare for the dance. The rituals actually begin in January on the festival of Shree Panchami, when the dancers are selected. They are then trained until the performance starts on Buddha Jayanti, and goes on for up to a week.

On full moon day the dancers line up in a community building at the center of the village, and begin swaying slowly to the music as village elders sing to the beat of the madal. Ghatu tells the tragic story of King Pashramu and Queen Yambawati: Pashramu goes on a hunt, meets and marries Yambawati, and they have a child. Pashramu is killed in action, Yambawati self-immolates on her husband’s pyre. The dance climaxes with Yambawati’s grief as she gives up her kingdom, says goodbye to her little son, and embraces death. The dancers go into a trembling trance as they perform for hours.

Ghatu dance is performed all over central Nepal by Gurung, Magar, Dura, Balami and Kumal communities. But no one is sure how it originated. “It was passed down to us by our ancestors, but they did not tell us where they learnt it or how it began,” says Jung Bahadur Gurung, dance teacher in Nalma. “People believe it’s based on a local story, and that Pashramu and Yambawati were a local Gurung king and queen.”

Gurung knows the songs, but says he does not know what language they are in. It sounds like Tharu or Bhojpuri, languages spoken in southern Nepal. Since Pashramu meets Yambawati when he is out hunting and far away from his mountain homeland, some people speculate that queen Yambawati was a woman from the Tarai and brought the songs with her.

The Gurungs also do not have the practice of sati depicted in the dance. Considering this and other factors, folk music expert Kishor Gurung concludes that Ghatu was actually brought to Nepal by Lahures who went to India. “Nepali soldiers who joined the British Indian armies must have brought it back with them 150-200 years ago.”

Professor Yubaraj Gurung thinks the dance is essentially a way for the community to comes to terms with pain and relate it to Yambawati’s grief. But there is agreement on what makes the dancers go into a trance as they dance with their eyes closed, swaying slowly to the music.

“The dancers sometimes don’t even know the story, but go with the flow and where the music takes them,” says folk music researcher Jhuma Limbu who is making a documentary about Ghatu. “It is a matter of great pride that music which explores the depths of human psychology is still alive in Nepal. We must do our best to preserve it.”

As with most folk art, this music has been passed down and preserved orally, and it is known to affect the dancers anytime it is played. Grown women who were former dancers sometimes fall into a trance when they hear the music. Villagers here forbid recording the music, and the performances only happen at designated times.

With the march of time, interest is waning in such lengthy dances when other means of entertainment are easily available, says musician Raju Gurung: “It is a very sad that people are losing interest in the ritual part of the dance and it is becoming more and more commercialised. We love our dance very much and would like to preserve it, but it is a losing battle.”

Source : Nepali Times by Sewa Bhattarai 

"Badal" gaining his Power again #2019

 " Leaders from the Maoist stream in the ruling Nepal Communist Party have been expressing concerns over increasing opportunities for the leaders of the Ram Bahadur Thapa faction, which had joined the erstwhile Maoist Centre after deserting the group led by Mohan Baidya.

With most of Thapa’s supporters receiving the benefits--both in the government and the unified party--other leaders of the former Maoist faction have started expressing discontent within the party.

Maoist insurgents during the ‘people’s war’--which ended in 2006--Thapa has always been at the crucial decision-making level in the CPN (Maoist Centre) and also in the new party.

According to leaders, the only ministry allotted to the erstwhile Maoist Centre in the Province 1 government is led by Indra Aangbo of Thapa’s group while the deputy speaker of the provincial assembly, Saraswoti Pokhrel, was also from the same group.

Internal affairs and law ministers Hari Chuman (Gandaki Province) and Kul Prasad KC (Province 5) also represent Thapa’s group.

In the federal government, Thapa is leading one of the most crucial offices, the Home Ministry. Two other leaders from the now-dissolved Maoist party--Shakti Basnet and Barshaman Pun, who were in charge of the environment and finance ministries--now lead the forest and environment, and energy, water resources and irrigation ministries, respectively.

In the House of Representatives, Dev Prasad Gurung of the Thapa faction is the chief whip of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP).


Leaders said that many chairs of the parliamentary committees of provincial assemblies were given to Thapa supporters. Thapa also got many of his leaders as lawmakers as he led the three-member panel that selected the party’s candidates for the 2017 general election. Even the leaderships of provincial and district committees involve a significant number of Thapa’s men in the Maoist quota.

Some leaders believe that NCP Co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal was not bothered with the issue because he wanted to attract leaders to his camp while those close to Dahal were furious over the distribution of berths to those who once “betrayed the party” by splitting it.

While some leaders believe that Thapa’s group happened to get the maximum benefit in the state mechanism and also in the party just because they had more senior leaders in his group, many others complain of discrimination.

“It seems that the leaders should desert the party once to get better opportunity here,” said Hemraj Bhandari, a central committee member. “When the leaders who dumped the party for some interests get better opportunities, what message would that extend to the leaders supporting the party continuously?”

However, the role of Thapa was never been appreciated as he failed to take quick decisions. Therefore, some leaders believe that party Co-chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has been taking advantage of his ‘introvert’ nature. “Even Dahal was not for supporting Thapa as home minister,” said a Standing Committee member close to Dahal, adding that he was more a choice of Oli.

Dahal, threatened by his growing popularity during the decade-long insurgency, had taken action against Thapa but they were always together in the party after the Chunbang meeting that led the Maoist party towards the peace process.
However, later in 2012 Thapa sided with Baidya and split the party vertically, accusing Dahal of having betrayed the revolution. A year earlier, he had also sided with Mohan Baidya, Baburam Bhattarai and Narayan Kaji Shrestha in the Dhobighat incident that eventually elevated Bhattarai to the post of prime minister.

In 2016, Thapa, along with a majority of leaders in the Baidya-led party, returned to the mother party.
However, leaders coming from other factions--including one led by Netra Bikram Chand--have been “humiliated” and ignored. A group of leaders led by Tilak Pariyar had joined the Maoist mainstream deserting Chand’s party but Pariyar, who was included in the nine-member party secretariat, is just a central committee member along with Basanta Gharti Magar.

“We have sensed increasing factionalism in the party, which will neither create a party nor ensure justifiable inclusion,” Pariyar said, adding that the NCP leadership did not discuss with the groups joining the Maoist party any issues including the selection of the poll candidates, let alone other crucial issues.

However, leaders have urged the party leadership to settle the issues while forming the politburo and unified sister wings of the NCP. “Now the party can make some corrections,” said Pariyar.

Devendra Poudel, a standing committee member who joined the Maoist party deserting Baburam Bhattarai’s now-dissolved Naya Shakti Party, said that at the moment it seems like that most of the leaders from the Thapa faction have got more opportunities, but the issue should settle once the part unification process is over."

Source: http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2019-05-10/benefits-for-thapa-led-group-concern-leaders-of-the-maoist-stream-in-unified-communist-party.html

Who were the Ghales of Ligligkot ? (Translated to English)

"यादव देवकोटा" जी को लेख ।
Source :www.kantipurdaily.com

 By "Yadav Devkota"

Kathmandu - The Ghale kingdom of Larsagha was ruled by the Ghales from Larsagha to Samrin before it was captured by Jain Khan. Although the events of Ligligkot are seen as the foundation of modern Nepal, there was a general discussion about who were the members of Ligligkot.

The aversion of Nepali society towards history is well known, but the history of power does not want to show the reality of the soil sucked by its own roots. However, a few centuries after the abolition of the Ghale's internal state, the British Empire did not shy away from making itself abrupt to prevent the sun from setting. And, for the same reason, the Victoria Cross came into the spotlight. The notion that Ghales are an additional surname within Gurung is becoming more common, but there are Ghales in Magar, Tamang and Baram as well. These are the heads, leaders, kings or positions of the community.

Ghale state

In Tamu language, Ghale means owner, protector, lord. Ghale is a term not a separate caste (Tamu, Tek Bahadur-Old History of Tamujati, p. 33) while in the Tamang language the king is called 'Gle' (Tamang, Ajitman-Remnants of the oral history of the Tamang caste, p. 36). After becoming the Kholchyan king of the Chen dynasty in Khol-Son-Thar (Kholsonthar), he proclaimed himself the owner of the kingdom, i.e. Khle. This initial word khle seems to have been corrupted and it has also been changed to Nepali language (Gurung, DB-Tamu Kyoe De Pyakshya, p. 246). The Tamang Ghale community was represented in Nepal's first elected parliament and second Constituent Assembly.

After the rulers of the Kathmandu Valley lost control of the Gandaki catchment area, local Ghale kings began to rule there (Gurung, Jagman - Cultural Heritage of the Gandaki catchment area, p. 15). Later, the state of Palpa not only developed into a strong indigenous state, but also invaded the Kathmandu Valley and repeatedly trampled the entire valley, which the Magar kings called the rulers of the valley. In time, there were Ghale kingdoms from Lasargha to Sabri — either as a tribal kingdom, or as a rajauta and local feudal lord, without its own coin, without a permanent army. The house buried at Lasargha Alam Devi belonged to the Magars. Around Kaligandaki, Palpa, Baldhyangadhi, Rudrapurgadhi, Deuchuli, West Nuwakot, Sataunkot, Kaski, Dhor, Ligligkot, Gorkha Lower / Upper Kot, Takukot were the royal places of Ghale Magars and Gorkha Majhkot was the place of Khadka Magar. Gurung (Tamu) houses were located in Khol, Yangjakot, Ghandruk, Bahra (Barpak), Sikles, Simjung, Ajirkot, Siranchok, Lamjungkot, Kharimadhi, Manvu, Lamp (Laprak), Sryatan, Atharsayakhola, Manu (Manang) and Baseri. Tamang houses in Charange, Sabrin, Rubinala, Katunje, Salyan (sometimes Magar, sometimes Tamang), Dhading, Jharlang, Sertung, Serjong, Gatlang, Kimtang, Bungtang and Jilling. In the local areas of Gorkha including Takukot (sometimes Baram, sometimes Magar), Bahakot, Gairathok, the Brahms were Rajoutas. Although no specific evidence has been given, the Tamang ancestors have been claiming with confidence and pride for generations that Surat was the Sartan (Syangtan) Gle (King) in Gorkha Barpak (Ghising, Kuyang Lama-Ghising King: Talchyo Durbar and Vansavali, p. 21) and Gorkha King Ram Shah learned that the Tamang kingdoms would invade Barpak and Sartan during the expansion of the kingdom (Taman, Rabindra - Ancient Tamang Kingdom, p. 84). Can be understood

But it is difficult to ignore the material that indicates that the ethnic intoxication of Tamang, Thakali and Gurungs was on one side. In Tamang language, Gurung or Rong means Gurung. Gurungs are not considered a separate caste in the ancient Tamang region. From the Himalayas to the south, from Budhigandaki to the east, from the Trishuli Ganga to the west and south, in the region above the confluence of these two rivers, the Tamangs do not consider the Gurungs as a separate caste, a sub-rock within the Tamangs as a growing group (Tamang, Ajitman, Uhi, p. 40). Tamang says that the Tamangs call their guru Tamu Guru. According to linguists, there is a 65 percent similarity between the Tamang and Gurung languages ​​(Taman, Parashuram-Taman caste, p. 31). Gunyu, Cholo and Ghalek are worn by Majetro. The Thakali, Gurung and Tamang have similarities in language, religion and culture. In fact, during the migration, a large crowd left Thorai in the Thak River and headed towards the Manang Valley, with one group heading south and the other heading east. The people living in Thakkhola are Thakali, Gurung group of Orle from Manang to the south and Tamang group from the east. When Thakalis communicate with each other in their own language, they call themselves Tamang. Similarly, the Gurungs call themselves Tamu in their own language. Tamangs are being introduced as Tamangs. Therefore, based on the caste words Tamang and Tamu and language and culture, Thakali, Gurung and Tamang are like three legs of the same Odan (Cultural Heritage of Gandaki Spring Area, p. 22).

In addition, the word Gurung, which is in vogue today to identify the Tamu caste, is derived from the Magar language, Gurung wrote in 'Historical Narrative of Tamuwan': The inhabitants of Gurungdi were called Gurungs. Gurung and I from Gurungdi The ancestry of Gar's ancestors has been found. In the Magar language, the word Gurung means a place like the roof of a house covered with an axis, while Gurungdi means water flowing from a place like a roof of a house covered with an axis. Among the Magars are Gurungchhane Thapa, Gurungchhane Rana etc. Gurungs have Kepchai, Komchai surnames while Magar has Kepchaki, Kromchaki surnames There are also Rana Gurungs in the Bhumlichok area of ​​Gorkha (pp. 3,4,5).

At one time, the Ghale system in Gandakipanidhalo was a homogeneous exercise of power. Since when, that is a different question.

The Ghale kingdom of Lasargha was captured by Jain Khan. Kaski, Rajasthan, Ghale kingdom of Khol was captured by Jagatikhan Shahi. The Ghale kingdom of Lamjung was captured by Jaswam (Yashobrahm) Shahi, Liglig, Tallo / Upallokot, Siranchowk, Ghale kingdom of Ajirkot and Khadka kingdom of Majhkot was captured by Drabya Shah. The Ghale kingdoms of Barpak, Syartan, Atharsayakhola, Salyan, Baseri, Charange, Kharimadhi, Dhading were conquered by Ram Shah and after Ram Shah, the Ghale kingdoms of Dhading, Katunje, Baseri and Samrin were occupied by Narbhupal Shah. ). On the other hand, the Raj of the Tamang Ghales of Rasuwatir, Nuwakot was captured by the Kathmandu Valley.

State of Ligligkot

Before Ligligkot was taken over by Dravya Shah, it was ruled by the Ghales. The rule was to run on the day of the tenth day of Dashain Tika and be the first to reach the Kot that year. The race was from Chepe Khola to Liglig. Even though some people write that the race will be from Chorkote, they will have to cross the Chorkate Bhusundikhola and it will be subordinate to Siranchok, so there is no consensus on running in Liglig from the geography of another state. Bhusundi Panidhalo separated Liglig and Siranchok while Daraundi Panidhalo separated Liglig and Gorkha. Gorkha and Barpak by Nimel river. After the Khas and Kshatriyas rushed to establish a homogeneous king, Lamjunge Dravya Shah established the Kavila Ghale kingdom of Liglig and the royal kingdom expanded. The royal kingdom has taken the shape of today's Nepal.

‘After Yashobrahm Shah killed the Ghale king of Ponjo on the marshland, some of the Ghale descendants fled to Gorkha and some to Nepal (Kathmandu). Those who went to Gorkha settled in Ligligkot, Gorkha Upallokot, Barpak and Sattan. The Ghales of Ligligkot used to gather at Chepeghat, the confluence of Chepe and Marsyangdi, on the day of Bada Dasain. After that, everyone ran at once and the one who reached the Kot first was considered the king of that year. Thus in Liglig it was customary for the king to return year after year (Gurung, Jagman-Gurung caste and culture, pp. 6, 7, 8, 9).

At that time, it was not possible for a minority to rule without an ethnic majority. It is not possible for the defeated from Lamjung to rule in Liglig, Majhkot and Barpak overnight. On the contrary, the population of Khas, Kshatriyas and Dalits who fled from Khasan, Isma, Kaski, Palpa and other places for various reasons seems to be increasing in the vicinity of Bhusundi Khola Panidhalo and Chepe Panidhalo. As the traditional Magar administration on the one hand and the non-immigrant non-Magars on the other hand began to reject each other, the game of Sam, Dham, Danda, Bheda, Khas, Kshatriyas defeated the Gorkhali Magars with swords in the hands of the Magars and came to power. Gangaram Ranamagar was a warrior like Dravya Shah and Ganesh Pandey who went to defeat the Magars with the swords of others. It seems that there was tension between Khadka Magar and other Magars between Daraundi and Chepe Panidhalo at that time, part of which went to Dravya Shah's Polta.

After Liglig and Majh and Upallokot were subjugated by Dravya Shah, Siranchok was conquered under the leadership of Ganesh Pandey. It is mentioned in the material including genealogy.

'Samar Ghale escaped from Shah's crooked move and formed a group of supporters to go to Khorla to form an independent state. King Chankel Ghale of Khorla came to Barpak and solved the problem and became king there (Gurung, DB-Tamu directing, P. 260) The reason why it is fragmented is that Barpak was already a strong state since it was captured only during the reign of Ram Shah. Since Siranchok and Ajirkot were under his control, he fled from Liglig and made such a strong state overnight.

Although Thapaulo Raja of Changya of Barpak (Yogi, Narharinath-Itihas Prakash Sandhipatra Sangraha, p. 678) indicated that Khadka Raja represented Barpak kingdom in Gorkha Majhkot, it does not seem credible that Gurung Ghale represented Barpak in Barpak while fighting with Dravya Shah in Majhkot for fifteen days There is no sign of any support from Barpak, so there is no consensus. As the widow of Man Singh Khadka Magar, who was killed in Gorkha, became pregnant, she escaped on the condition of handing over the child including Salnaal after fleeing. People from him later children settled in the Raktakali-Nardevi area. After the Kot Festival of 1903 BS, the descendants of the Magars fled from Kathmandu to Nuwakot Samaribhanjyang to save their lives. Mansingh's descendants still remember the queen as a goddess (Ranamagar, Vaikaji-Gorkha Magars, pp. 17, 18).

Incidentally, Ram Shah called on Barapaki to discuss the issue unarmed at Nimel. In this way, the daggers do not drink the water of the Nimel river near the village of Panktikar, as the swords cut in the river are washed away. Due to the king's bloodshed, it is customary for the Tamangs not to drink river water. The Tamangs do not drink because of the blood flowing in the water of the Haweng (Happing?) River (Tamang, Ajitman-Remnants of the oral history of the Tamang people, p. 66). When Kalu Shahi was killed by Fachun Ghale of Ghanpokhara in the vicinity of Khudikhola, the water of Khudikhola was not drunk as blood was mixed in the river (Gurung, Indra Bahadur-Tamu Cultural Direction, p. 465). Ghatu dance prevalent in the Gandaki region, mainly in the Magar and Gurung communities, is based on the story of Parashuram Shahi (Pasramu Raja), the son of Kalu Shahi.

Bhange Ghale, son of King Changya of Barpaki, who was killed in Nimel, ruled in Sulikot near Kharbhanjyang Daunnekhola and was severely beaten near Ghyampesal during the reign of Chhatra Shah.

Even after Dravya Shah's victory, the struggle over Liglig was not over. The repeated attacks on the Liglig by the twenty-four seem to have been at the Liglig Naka as a bag of strategic importance at the time. Even during the reign of Prithvipati Shah, Lamjunge captured Liglig, Lakang, Dhuwakot and Deurali with the help of 24 people and took them under his control for 9 years. Even after fighting 11 times, Gorkha could not take back Liglig. After that, all the Gorkhalis under the age of eighty gathered, went at night, set fire to the fort of Ligligkot and took Liglig back. Again Lamjunge took Ligligkot for four years. Gaureshwar Panth, Vali Padhyaya Kadaria brought Liglig back to Gorkha in a trap (San Yogi, Narharinath-Gorkha Genealogy, p. 64).

Liglig before Ghale state

It is difficult to say exactly when the Ghales began to rule in Ligligkot. For this, we have to look at the king case including Liglig.

It is mentioned that King Jitari Malle of Sinja invaded Nepalkhaldo every year in 1344/45/46 BS and his son Aditya Malle attacked Nepalkhaldo in 1384 BS, first invading Nuwakot. In 1378 BS and 1394 BS, Aditya Malla wrote an order to his officials for the protection of the people living in the Taghwai Gumba of Gorkha. It seems that Gorkha Sinja (Khas) is still under the control of the state. It is seen that Yaksha Malla (Bhaktapur) brought Gorkha under the control of Nepal Khaldo around 1524 BS. After Yaksha Malla, the Malla kingdom was divided and weakened in Nepalkhaldo. On this occasion, in 1581/82 BS, Palpali king Mukunda Sen twice attacked the Kathmandu Valley and caused havoc. Even more interesting is the fact that he invaded Kathmandu even in 1603 BS and in 1606 BS the kings of Kathmandu Khaldo threatened to attack each other with the Palpali Senvanshi 'Magars'. It appears to have been under Gurkha Palpa at least until 1603 BC (Pant, Dinesh Raj-History of Gurkha, pp. 16-22).

After Mukunda Sen, his great kingdom fell apart. Since his sons could not hold all their kingdoms, they were separated from the Gurkha Sens and came under the authority of the local ruler (Pant, ibid., P. 24). King Mukunda Sen of Palpa had made Dalsur Ghale Magar the administrator in Liglig when he went to kill Nepal Khaldo (Thapa, Nar Bahadur (Naru) - History of Kirant Magar).

It seems that the Gurkha region, including Liglig, was under the control of the Palpalis till the beginning of the seventeenth century, and the administration of different chiefs in the local area as a native Rajput. It was not an independent state but functioned as an additional Rajput, but after the weakening of the Palpali state, the native Rajputs may have tried to treat themselves as an independent state.

Liglig's houses

The kingdom of Liglig belonged to Gurung and the material written in the name of both the castes in the name of Magar is contradictory. Both have claimed Liglig as their respective states. Claiming is a different matter, consistent claim is the main thing. For that, there is no alternative to naming the Gandaki region's culture, way of life, population, tradition, indigenous river-geography, at least for now.

The word Gandaki, which is popular today, seems to have come from the Magar language Gandi. Gun or gan means green like green and D means water, stream, river. These meanings come from the Magar language. No matter how many rivers and streams are in vogue in the Gandaki catchment area, the word D or D is found in them (Historical Narrative of Tamuwan, Hosyangdi, Bhurungdi, Lundi, Charaundi, Jyadi, Tamadi, Bhalyangdi, Sarangdi, Chhangchhangdi, Garangdi, Modi, Hwangdi, Hugdi, Gwadi, Armadi, Chhabdi. In addition, Trishuli Gandi has come from Gosainkunda. Manaslu has come from Ganesh Himal, Budhigandaki. Dordi from Thorang, Marshyangdi, Daraundi from Rupinala. Comes from Annapurna - Madi, Idi, Rudi. Setigandi, Sardi, Mardi, Saroudi from Tinshire. Daraudi, Bhusundi, Madi and Marshyandi belong to Liglig. Hundikhola is very far from there. Tanhang (Tanahun), Dayambule (Damauli), Garhang (c Rhaum), Malihang (Waling), Tansing (Tansen), Viramchok (Virenchowk) in the Magar language.

Kot, kot means place of worship (Budhamgar, Harsha Bahadur-Magar caste and their social rites, p. 45) in Magar language. There are Magar priests in the temples of various deities in the settlements of Gandaki Prasravankshetra. Kot or kot has different meanings for other castes but it is a place of worship for crocodiles. Not to mention that in Rukum Runma, the Rangi Punas of Makot offer bulls on Maha Ashtami and perform kulpuja by the name of Kotpuja (Shreesamgar, the identity of the Meen-Magar caste, p. 48). Maski Rana in Alamdevi Lasargha of Gandaki Basin, Baral Rana in Gahraunkot, Bhirkot-Saru Thapa, Ghiring-Dishwa Thapa, Khilung-Saru Thapa and Sinjali Thapa, Kaskikot-Fewali Rana, West Nuwakot-Saru Rana, Sataunkot-Pulmi, Sarangkot-Chumi Thapa. Darlami Rana, Takukot-Rana Magar, Lamjungkot-Dudh Rana and Chhar Ale, Gorkha Tallokot-Maski Rana and Bhusal Rana, Upallokot-Garunja Thapa, Gorkha Kalika-Pulami and Aslami Magar, Salyankot-Saru Magar are the priests in the study.

Where there are dense settlements of Gurungs - Mustang, Manang, Gorkha Upallo Thalo, nowhere to be found. They are found in the sphere of influence of Magar culture. It is a different matter that the word quay means coat or coat in Gurung language. This reinforces the argument that the coats found in the Gandaki Panidhalo were Magar kingdoms. (It should not be missed that Jagman Gurung, an expert in culture, had a queuing vote for the Gurungs below his village Yonjunkwe (Yangjakot).) There are priests in all the coats. ‘Ligligkot falls in the Magarat region. Gandaki culture is the realm of Magar culture (Panktikar's recorded conversation with Jagman Gurung on April 20, 2075) also indicates that Ghale of Liglig was a Magar.

Since the origin of the Gurungs was Lamjung and they were not integrated into Greater Nepal during the reign of Prithvinarayan Shah, it is natural that there were not many Gurungs in his army compared to Khas and Magar (Gurung, The Role of Gurungs in the Unification of Jagman-Nepal, p. 12). Numerical details of some of the Gurungs who came from Lamjung with Dravya Shah are also found in history.

In addition, there is still a dense population of potters in Gorkha's Chorkate, Phinam and Chhevetar as compared to Gurung and Magar. Needless to say, potters were already living along the river due to their traditional occupation of making pottery. A study of Gorkha potters shows that they have been playing the same role for centuries. Instead, power, time, scarcity and oppression show that the land of their population is slipping into the hands of the ruling elites. The names of Kaski, Mustang, Manang, Lamjung and Upper Gurkha are found in the descriptions of Gurungs, but the lower part of Barpak is not found in the descriptions of Gurungs' patriarchy. .

Instead, the Brahmins have been living in Gorkha since before the rise of the Shah dynasty. In a letter written by Aditya Malla to the Taghwai Gumba of Samdo in 1378 BS, it is mentioned that 'Baram chalya bhaspas bhai', meaning 'this vakapatra was sent while Baram was walking'. There are also six surnames in Baram. Ganthi and Changhales are Ghalevanshi Brahmins (Brahmins, Culture of Bhadrakumari-Baram caste, p. 135).

There is Ghalebari in Liglig, where the Magars still live. The houses of Ligligkot appear to have many bases. Indigenous people, scholars, and even older people of other races than the Liglig crocodiles say that they have heard from their ancestors that the Liglig crocodiles are crocodiles (Panktikar's field study).

Bhoj Vikram Budhamgar has written in his book 'Political History of the Magar Caste' based on his conversation with 73-year-old Gehendra Bahadur Ranamagar, former Pradhan Panch of Amapipal VDC, that Liglig was under Mukunda Sen's rule. After his death, when his sons could not run the kingdom, the custom of making a victorious king by running began (p. 94). After Dravya Shah won the Liglig, the Ghales fled. Some reached Changli, Dhading, Dhankuta and Udaipur. Not to mention that Dan Bahadur Ghalemgar of Udaipur Dumre became the District Panchayat Deputy Chairman during the Panchayat period (p. 59).

Liglig was dominated by Magars with the surname 'Ghale'. On the day of the tenth vaccination, it was customary to make the first person to reach the upper coat by running from the lower coat of the liglig the head of the area for that year. Prince Dravya Shah, with the help of his allies, first established his authority in the lower part of Liglig under the pretext that all the Magar youths would participate in the race. From this he had no difficulty in establishing authority over the upper coat of the league (Acharya, Baburam-Nepal's brief account, p. 91).

The fact that the Gurungs left Manang and Lamjung only after a long time below the Atharsayakhola Ambal cannot be omitted. Dillijung Tamu has written in his book The Hidden History of the Tamu Caste: The Tamu Clay (Ghale) of Gorkha district are from Manang 'Fu' village. Until fifty or sixty years ago, when I was begging for Papro (Barpak), Lapro (Laprak), I used to go to Bon Lama in Nar village. In Barpak village, it is customary for the lama of Nar village and the lama of Lamjung Majhagaun to perform arghu (p. 49).

Nechu (Kruju) from Kaski Khilang A family of Lamichhane Gurung went to Simjung in Gorkha and settled there by building a fort. Slightly above Ajirket is the hill of Bhachchek. Simjung Umra Sai Gurung's eldest son settled in Simjung village and lived there as Umra. Mahila's son erected Apunthum on the left side of the Chependi and became its chief (Gurung, Swami Harkadhar of Jagman-Gurung Chola, Annapurna Post, 15 April 2075). Needless to say, the Gurungs of Barpak, Laprak and Saurpani refer to the people of Siranchok, Ghyachchok and Simjung as Nu and Nublya (Western) (Tamu, Old History of Tek Bahadur-Tamu Caste, p. 43).

As a result, the Gurungs spread in the lower part of Gorkha only later became the administrative area, but in doing so, the natives, the Barams and the Magars appear to have descended there. The Magar dominance in the area around Liglig, the names of the rivers around it in the Magar dialect, the names of the places in the Magar language can also be said to be the Rajasthan of Liglig Magar. 

Twitter:@gaunkomanchhey

Magar politicians and the development of Magars

With the election of the Vice President yesterday, the current legislature of Nepal has got it completely.

From the point of view of the Magars, we are well represented. Sequentially the representation of the Magars.

Vice President - Shri Nanda Kishor Pun

Home Minister - Shri Ram Bahadur Thapa 'Badal'

Minister of Energy - Shri Varshaman Pun

Drinking water - Mrs. Bina Magar

Women's Development - Mrs. Thammaya Thapa Magar

It is an honor to have five Magars represented in the 27-member legislature.

Politically, it seems that the 'cloud' has come to power among the Magar leaders in recent times. And again, these would mean that you have to spend for these processes. Of course, he is a powerful leader in Nepali politics today. And it is a matter of great pride for us to have so many good places at the national level now. And we are proud that two esteemed women leaders have succeeded in coming to the national level.

If we look at the other side of politics, 4 out of 5 leaders are from the Maoists. As soon as we say Maoist, we are reminded of the 17000 Nepali martyrs and the principles they carry. One of the many principles of the Maoists is the upliftment and development of all backward classes and tribes.

What I want to say here is that now that we have come from revolution to peace. And now is the time to turn things into action.

One of the slogans of the Chukin Maoists was to give equal representation to all castes at the highest level. Which our caste has achieved, and of course we must give credit to the Maoist movement. If it were not for the Maoist movement, it would not be possible to reach such a high level now.

Now we have to see how loyal he is and how much he can fulfill the dream that he has carried and shown to the general public.

Of course, they have to develop the country, but they must not forget the development of their caste. We Magars always talk about what kind of people the Brahmins say will attract their own people when they reach the top. Now we have to see how far we can take these Magars in the time to come. And we should not forget one thing here, the development of every caste is the development of the country.

Of course the Magar leaders may have done something for our development, but the impact of their work must be seen in the future. And in the time to come we will hear positive things from them and we hope that our Magar society will be able to go even higher with their help and guidance.

#Jaynepal