"Badal" gaining his Power again #2019

 " Leaders from the Maoist stream in the ruling Nepal Communist Party have been expressing concerns over increasing opportunities for the leaders of the Ram Bahadur Thapa faction, which had joined the erstwhile Maoist Centre after deserting the group led by Mohan Baidya.

With most of Thapa’s supporters receiving the benefits--both in the government and the unified party--other leaders of the former Maoist faction have started expressing discontent within the party.

Maoist insurgents during the ‘people’s war’--which ended in 2006--Thapa has always been at the crucial decision-making level in the CPN (Maoist Centre) and also in the new party.

According to leaders, the only ministry allotted to the erstwhile Maoist Centre in the Province 1 government is led by Indra Aangbo of Thapa’s group while the deputy speaker of the provincial assembly, Saraswoti Pokhrel, was also from the same group.

Internal affairs and law ministers Hari Chuman (Gandaki Province) and Kul Prasad KC (Province 5) also represent Thapa’s group.

In the federal government, Thapa is leading one of the most crucial offices, the Home Ministry. Two other leaders from the now-dissolved Maoist party--Shakti Basnet and Barshaman Pun, who were in charge of the environment and finance ministries--now lead the forest and environment, and energy, water resources and irrigation ministries, respectively.

In the House of Representatives, Dev Prasad Gurung of the Thapa faction is the chief whip of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP).


Leaders said that many chairs of the parliamentary committees of provincial assemblies were given to Thapa supporters. Thapa also got many of his leaders as lawmakers as he led the three-member panel that selected the party’s candidates for the 2017 general election. Even the leaderships of provincial and district committees involve a significant number of Thapa’s men in the Maoist quota.

Some leaders believe that NCP Co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal was not bothered with the issue because he wanted to attract leaders to his camp while those close to Dahal were furious over the distribution of berths to those who once “betrayed the party” by splitting it.

While some leaders believe that Thapa’s group happened to get the maximum benefit in the state mechanism and also in the party just because they had more senior leaders in his group, many others complain of discrimination.

“It seems that the leaders should desert the party once to get better opportunity here,” said Hemraj Bhandari, a central committee member. “When the leaders who dumped the party for some interests get better opportunities, what message would that extend to the leaders supporting the party continuously?”

However, the role of Thapa was never been appreciated as he failed to take quick decisions. Therefore, some leaders believe that party Co-chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has been taking advantage of his ‘introvert’ nature. “Even Dahal was not for supporting Thapa as home minister,” said a Standing Committee member close to Dahal, adding that he was more a choice of Oli.

Dahal, threatened by his growing popularity during the decade-long insurgency, had taken action against Thapa but they were always together in the party after the Chunbang meeting that led the Maoist party towards the peace process.
However, later in 2012 Thapa sided with Baidya and split the party vertically, accusing Dahal of having betrayed the revolution. A year earlier, he had also sided with Mohan Baidya, Baburam Bhattarai and Narayan Kaji Shrestha in the Dhobighat incident that eventually elevated Bhattarai to the post of prime minister.

In 2016, Thapa, along with a majority of leaders in the Baidya-led party, returned to the mother party.
However, leaders coming from other factions--including one led by Netra Bikram Chand--have been “humiliated” and ignored. A group of leaders led by Tilak Pariyar had joined the Maoist mainstream deserting Chand’s party but Pariyar, who was included in the nine-member party secretariat, is just a central committee member along with Basanta Gharti Magar.

“We have sensed increasing factionalism in the party, which will neither create a party nor ensure justifiable inclusion,” Pariyar said, adding that the NCP leadership did not discuss with the groups joining the Maoist party any issues including the selection of the poll candidates, let alone other crucial issues.

However, leaders have urged the party leadership to settle the issues while forming the politburo and unified sister wings of the NCP. “Now the party can make some corrections,” said Pariyar.

Devendra Poudel, a standing committee member who joined the Maoist party deserting Baburam Bhattarai’s now-dissolved Naya Shakti Party, said that at the moment it seems like that most of the leaders from the Thapa faction have got more opportunities, but the issue should settle once the part unification process is over."

Source: http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2019-05-10/benefits-for-thapa-led-group-concern-leaders-of-the-maoist-stream-in-unified-communist-party.html

Who were the Ghales of Ligligkot ? (Translated to English)

"यादव देवकोटा" जी को लेख ।
Source :www.kantipurdaily.com

 By "Yadav Devkota"

Kathmandu - The Ghale kingdom of Larsagha was ruled by the Ghales from Larsagha to Samrin before it was captured by Jain Khan. Although the events of Ligligkot are seen as the foundation of modern Nepal, there was a general discussion about who were the members of Ligligkot.

The aversion of Nepali society towards history is well known, but the history of power does not want to show the reality of the soil sucked by its own roots. However, a few centuries after the abolition of the Ghale's internal state, the British Empire did not shy away from making itself abrupt to prevent the sun from setting. And, for the same reason, the Victoria Cross came into the spotlight. The notion that Ghales are an additional surname within Gurung is becoming more common, but there are Ghales in Magar, Tamang and Baram as well. These are the heads, leaders, kings or positions of the community.

Ghale state

In Tamu language, Ghale means owner, protector, lord. Ghale is a term not a separate caste (Tamu, Tek Bahadur-Old History of Tamujati, p. 33) while in the Tamang language the king is called 'Gle' (Tamang, Ajitman-Remnants of the oral history of the Tamang caste, p. 36). After becoming the Kholchyan king of the Chen dynasty in Khol-Son-Thar (Kholsonthar), he proclaimed himself the owner of the kingdom, i.e. Khle. This initial word khle seems to have been corrupted and it has also been changed to Nepali language (Gurung, DB-Tamu Kyoe De Pyakshya, p. 246). The Tamang Ghale community was represented in Nepal's first elected parliament and second Constituent Assembly.

After the rulers of the Kathmandu Valley lost control of the Gandaki catchment area, local Ghale kings began to rule there (Gurung, Jagman - Cultural Heritage of the Gandaki catchment area, p. 15). Later, the state of Palpa not only developed into a strong indigenous state, but also invaded the Kathmandu Valley and repeatedly trampled the entire valley, which the Magar kings called the rulers of the valley. In time, there were Ghale kingdoms from Lasargha to Sabri — either as a tribal kingdom, or as a rajauta and local feudal lord, without its own coin, without a permanent army. The house buried at Lasargha Alam Devi belonged to the Magars. Around Kaligandaki, Palpa, Baldhyangadhi, Rudrapurgadhi, Deuchuli, West Nuwakot, Sataunkot, Kaski, Dhor, Ligligkot, Gorkha Lower / Upper Kot, Takukot were the royal places of Ghale Magars and Gorkha Majhkot was the place of Khadka Magar. Gurung (Tamu) houses were located in Khol, Yangjakot, Ghandruk, Bahra (Barpak), Sikles, Simjung, Ajirkot, Siranchok, Lamjungkot, Kharimadhi, Manvu, Lamp (Laprak), Sryatan, Atharsayakhola, Manu (Manang) and Baseri. Tamang houses in Charange, Sabrin, Rubinala, Katunje, Salyan (sometimes Magar, sometimes Tamang), Dhading, Jharlang, Sertung, Serjong, Gatlang, Kimtang, Bungtang and Jilling. In the local areas of Gorkha including Takukot (sometimes Baram, sometimes Magar), Bahakot, Gairathok, the Brahms were Rajoutas. Although no specific evidence has been given, the Tamang ancestors have been claiming with confidence and pride for generations that Surat was the Sartan (Syangtan) Gle (King) in Gorkha Barpak (Ghising, Kuyang Lama-Ghising King: Talchyo Durbar and Vansavali, p. 21) and Gorkha King Ram Shah learned that the Tamang kingdoms would invade Barpak and Sartan during the expansion of the kingdom (Taman, Rabindra - Ancient Tamang Kingdom, p. 84). Can be understood

But it is difficult to ignore the material that indicates that the ethnic intoxication of Tamang, Thakali and Gurungs was on one side. In Tamang language, Gurung or Rong means Gurung. Gurungs are not considered a separate caste in the ancient Tamang region. From the Himalayas to the south, from Budhigandaki to the east, from the Trishuli Ganga to the west and south, in the region above the confluence of these two rivers, the Tamangs do not consider the Gurungs as a separate caste, a sub-rock within the Tamangs as a growing group (Tamang, Ajitman, Uhi, p. 40). Tamang says that the Tamangs call their guru Tamu Guru. According to linguists, there is a 65 percent similarity between the Tamang and Gurung languages ​​(Taman, Parashuram-Taman caste, p. 31). Gunyu, Cholo and Ghalek are worn by Majetro. The Thakali, Gurung and Tamang have similarities in language, religion and culture. In fact, during the migration, a large crowd left Thorai in the Thak River and headed towards the Manang Valley, with one group heading south and the other heading east. The people living in Thakkhola are Thakali, Gurung group of Orle from Manang to the south and Tamang group from the east. When Thakalis communicate with each other in their own language, they call themselves Tamang. Similarly, the Gurungs call themselves Tamu in their own language. Tamangs are being introduced as Tamangs. Therefore, based on the caste words Tamang and Tamu and language and culture, Thakali, Gurung and Tamang are like three legs of the same Odan (Cultural Heritage of Gandaki Spring Area, p. 22).

In addition, the word Gurung, which is in vogue today to identify the Tamu caste, is derived from the Magar language, Gurung wrote in 'Historical Narrative of Tamuwan': The inhabitants of Gurungdi were called Gurungs. Gurung and I from Gurungdi The ancestry of Gar's ancestors has been found. In the Magar language, the word Gurung means a place like the roof of a house covered with an axis, while Gurungdi means water flowing from a place like a roof of a house covered with an axis. Among the Magars are Gurungchhane Thapa, Gurungchhane Rana etc. Gurungs have Kepchai, Komchai surnames while Magar has Kepchaki, Kromchaki surnames There are also Rana Gurungs in the Bhumlichok area of ​​Gorkha (pp. 3,4,5).

At one time, the Ghale system in Gandakipanidhalo was a homogeneous exercise of power. Since when, that is a different question.

The Ghale kingdom of Lasargha was captured by Jain Khan. Kaski, Rajasthan, Ghale kingdom of Khol was captured by Jagatikhan Shahi. The Ghale kingdom of Lamjung was captured by Jaswam (Yashobrahm) Shahi, Liglig, Tallo / Upallokot, Siranchowk, Ghale kingdom of Ajirkot and Khadka kingdom of Majhkot was captured by Drabya Shah. The Ghale kingdoms of Barpak, Syartan, Atharsayakhola, Salyan, Baseri, Charange, Kharimadhi, Dhading were conquered by Ram Shah and after Ram Shah, the Ghale kingdoms of Dhading, Katunje, Baseri and Samrin were occupied by Narbhupal Shah. ). On the other hand, the Raj of the Tamang Ghales of Rasuwatir, Nuwakot was captured by the Kathmandu Valley.

State of Ligligkot

Before Ligligkot was taken over by Dravya Shah, it was ruled by the Ghales. The rule was to run on the day of the tenth day of Dashain Tika and be the first to reach the Kot that year. The race was from Chepe Khola to Liglig. Even though some people write that the race will be from Chorkote, they will have to cross the Chorkate Bhusundikhola and it will be subordinate to Siranchok, so there is no consensus on running in Liglig from the geography of another state. Bhusundi Panidhalo separated Liglig and Siranchok while Daraundi Panidhalo separated Liglig and Gorkha. Gorkha and Barpak by Nimel river. After the Khas and Kshatriyas rushed to establish a homogeneous king, Lamjunge Dravya Shah established the Kavila Ghale kingdom of Liglig and the royal kingdom expanded. The royal kingdom has taken the shape of today's Nepal.

‘After Yashobrahm Shah killed the Ghale king of Ponjo on the marshland, some of the Ghale descendants fled to Gorkha and some to Nepal (Kathmandu). Those who went to Gorkha settled in Ligligkot, Gorkha Upallokot, Barpak and Sattan. The Ghales of Ligligkot used to gather at Chepeghat, the confluence of Chepe and Marsyangdi, on the day of Bada Dasain. After that, everyone ran at once and the one who reached the Kot first was considered the king of that year. Thus in Liglig it was customary for the king to return year after year (Gurung, Jagman-Gurung caste and culture, pp. 6, 7, 8, 9).

At that time, it was not possible for a minority to rule without an ethnic majority. It is not possible for the defeated from Lamjung to rule in Liglig, Majhkot and Barpak overnight. On the contrary, the population of Khas, Kshatriyas and Dalits who fled from Khasan, Isma, Kaski, Palpa and other places for various reasons seems to be increasing in the vicinity of Bhusundi Khola Panidhalo and Chepe Panidhalo. As the traditional Magar administration on the one hand and the non-immigrant non-Magars on the other hand began to reject each other, the game of Sam, Dham, Danda, Bheda, Khas, Kshatriyas defeated the Gorkhali Magars with swords in the hands of the Magars and came to power. Gangaram Ranamagar was a warrior like Dravya Shah and Ganesh Pandey who went to defeat the Magars with the swords of others. It seems that there was tension between Khadka Magar and other Magars between Daraundi and Chepe Panidhalo at that time, part of which went to Dravya Shah's Polta.

After Liglig and Majh and Upallokot were subjugated by Dravya Shah, Siranchok was conquered under the leadership of Ganesh Pandey. It is mentioned in the material including genealogy.

'Samar Ghale escaped from Shah's crooked move and formed a group of supporters to go to Khorla to form an independent state. King Chankel Ghale of Khorla came to Barpak and solved the problem and became king there (Gurung, DB-Tamu directing, P. 260) The reason why it is fragmented is that Barpak was already a strong state since it was captured only during the reign of Ram Shah. Since Siranchok and Ajirkot were under his control, he fled from Liglig and made such a strong state overnight.

Although Thapaulo Raja of Changya of Barpak (Yogi, Narharinath-Itihas Prakash Sandhipatra Sangraha, p. 678) indicated that Khadka Raja represented Barpak kingdom in Gorkha Majhkot, it does not seem credible that Gurung Ghale represented Barpak in Barpak while fighting with Dravya Shah in Majhkot for fifteen days There is no sign of any support from Barpak, so there is no consensus. As the widow of Man Singh Khadka Magar, who was killed in Gorkha, became pregnant, she escaped on the condition of handing over the child including Salnaal after fleeing. People from him later children settled in the Raktakali-Nardevi area. After the Kot Festival of 1903 BS, the descendants of the Magars fled from Kathmandu to Nuwakot Samaribhanjyang to save their lives. Mansingh's descendants still remember the queen as a goddess (Ranamagar, Vaikaji-Gorkha Magars, pp. 17, 18).

Incidentally, Ram Shah called on Barapaki to discuss the issue unarmed at Nimel. In this way, the daggers do not drink the water of the Nimel river near the village of Panktikar, as the swords cut in the river are washed away. Due to the king's bloodshed, it is customary for the Tamangs not to drink river water. The Tamangs do not drink because of the blood flowing in the water of the Haweng (Happing?) River (Tamang, Ajitman-Remnants of the oral history of the Tamang people, p. 66). When Kalu Shahi was killed by Fachun Ghale of Ghanpokhara in the vicinity of Khudikhola, the water of Khudikhola was not drunk as blood was mixed in the river (Gurung, Indra Bahadur-Tamu Cultural Direction, p. 465). Ghatu dance prevalent in the Gandaki region, mainly in the Magar and Gurung communities, is based on the story of Parashuram Shahi (Pasramu Raja), the son of Kalu Shahi.

Bhange Ghale, son of King Changya of Barpaki, who was killed in Nimel, ruled in Sulikot near Kharbhanjyang Daunnekhola and was severely beaten near Ghyampesal during the reign of Chhatra Shah.

Even after Dravya Shah's victory, the struggle over Liglig was not over. The repeated attacks on the Liglig by the twenty-four seem to have been at the Liglig Naka as a bag of strategic importance at the time. Even during the reign of Prithvipati Shah, Lamjunge captured Liglig, Lakang, Dhuwakot and Deurali with the help of 24 people and took them under his control for 9 years. Even after fighting 11 times, Gorkha could not take back Liglig. After that, all the Gorkhalis under the age of eighty gathered, went at night, set fire to the fort of Ligligkot and took Liglig back. Again Lamjunge took Ligligkot for four years. Gaureshwar Panth, Vali Padhyaya Kadaria brought Liglig back to Gorkha in a trap (San Yogi, Narharinath-Gorkha Genealogy, p. 64).

Liglig before Ghale state

It is difficult to say exactly when the Ghales began to rule in Ligligkot. For this, we have to look at the king case including Liglig.

It is mentioned that King Jitari Malle of Sinja invaded Nepalkhaldo every year in 1344/45/46 BS and his son Aditya Malle attacked Nepalkhaldo in 1384 BS, first invading Nuwakot. In 1378 BS and 1394 BS, Aditya Malla wrote an order to his officials for the protection of the people living in the Taghwai Gumba of Gorkha. It seems that Gorkha Sinja (Khas) is still under the control of the state. It is seen that Yaksha Malla (Bhaktapur) brought Gorkha under the control of Nepal Khaldo around 1524 BS. After Yaksha Malla, the Malla kingdom was divided and weakened in Nepalkhaldo. On this occasion, in 1581/82 BS, Palpali king Mukunda Sen twice attacked the Kathmandu Valley and caused havoc. Even more interesting is the fact that he invaded Kathmandu even in 1603 BS and in 1606 BS the kings of Kathmandu Khaldo threatened to attack each other with the Palpali Senvanshi 'Magars'. It appears to have been under Gurkha Palpa at least until 1603 BC (Pant, Dinesh Raj-History of Gurkha, pp. 16-22).

After Mukunda Sen, his great kingdom fell apart. Since his sons could not hold all their kingdoms, they were separated from the Gurkha Sens and came under the authority of the local ruler (Pant, ibid., P. 24). King Mukunda Sen of Palpa had made Dalsur Ghale Magar the administrator in Liglig when he went to kill Nepal Khaldo (Thapa, Nar Bahadur (Naru) - History of Kirant Magar).

It seems that the Gurkha region, including Liglig, was under the control of the Palpalis till the beginning of the seventeenth century, and the administration of different chiefs in the local area as a native Rajput. It was not an independent state but functioned as an additional Rajput, but after the weakening of the Palpali state, the native Rajputs may have tried to treat themselves as an independent state.

Liglig's houses

The kingdom of Liglig belonged to Gurung and the material written in the name of both the castes in the name of Magar is contradictory. Both have claimed Liglig as their respective states. Claiming is a different matter, consistent claim is the main thing. For that, there is no alternative to naming the Gandaki region's culture, way of life, population, tradition, indigenous river-geography, at least for now.

The word Gandaki, which is popular today, seems to have come from the Magar language Gandi. Gun or gan means green like green and D means water, stream, river. These meanings come from the Magar language. No matter how many rivers and streams are in vogue in the Gandaki catchment area, the word D or D is found in them (Historical Narrative of Tamuwan, Hosyangdi, Bhurungdi, Lundi, Charaundi, Jyadi, Tamadi, Bhalyangdi, Sarangdi, Chhangchhangdi, Garangdi, Modi, Hwangdi, Hugdi, Gwadi, Armadi, Chhabdi. In addition, Trishuli Gandi has come from Gosainkunda. Manaslu has come from Ganesh Himal, Budhigandaki. Dordi from Thorang, Marshyangdi, Daraundi from Rupinala. Comes from Annapurna - Madi, Idi, Rudi. Setigandi, Sardi, Mardi, Saroudi from Tinshire. Daraudi, Bhusundi, Madi and Marshyandi belong to Liglig. Hundikhola is very far from there. Tanhang (Tanahun), Dayambule (Damauli), Garhang (c Rhaum), Malihang (Waling), Tansing (Tansen), Viramchok (Virenchowk) in the Magar language.

Kot, kot means place of worship (Budhamgar, Harsha Bahadur-Magar caste and their social rites, p. 45) in Magar language. There are Magar priests in the temples of various deities in the settlements of Gandaki Prasravankshetra. Kot or kot has different meanings for other castes but it is a place of worship for crocodiles. Not to mention that in Rukum Runma, the Rangi Punas of Makot offer bulls on Maha Ashtami and perform kulpuja by the name of Kotpuja (Shreesamgar, the identity of the Meen-Magar caste, p. 48). Maski Rana in Alamdevi Lasargha of Gandaki Basin, Baral Rana in Gahraunkot, Bhirkot-Saru Thapa, Ghiring-Dishwa Thapa, Khilung-Saru Thapa and Sinjali Thapa, Kaskikot-Fewali Rana, West Nuwakot-Saru Rana, Sataunkot-Pulmi, Sarangkot-Chumi Thapa. Darlami Rana, Takukot-Rana Magar, Lamjungkot-Dudh Rana and Chhar Ale, Gorkha Tallokot-Maski Rana and Bhusal Rana, Upallokot-Garunja Thapa, Gorkha Kalika-Pulami and Aslami Magar, Salyankot-Saru Magar are the priests in the study.

Where there are dense settlements of Gurungs - Mustang, Manang, Gorkha Upallo Thalo, nowhere to be found. They are found in the sphere of influence of Magar culture. It is a different matter that the word quay means coat or coat in Gurung language. This reinforces the argument that the coats found in the Gandaki Panidhalo were Magar kingdoms. (It should not be missed that Jagman Gurung, an expert in culture, had a queuing vote for the Gurungs below his village Yonjunkwe (Yangjakot).) There are priests in all the coats. ‘Ligligkot falls in the Magarat region. Gandaki culture is the realm of Magar culture (Panktikar's recorded conversation with Jagman Gurung on April 20, 2075) also indicates that Ghale of Liglig was a Magar.

Since the origin of the Gurungs was Lamjung and they were not integrated into Greater Nepal during the reign of Prithvinarayan Shah, it is natural that there were not many Gurungs in his army compared to Khas and Magar (Gurung, The Role of Gurungs in the Unification of Jagman-Nepal, p. 12). Numerical details of some of the Gurungs who came from Lamjung with Dravya Shah are also found in history.

In addition, there is still a dense population of potters in Gorkha's Chorkate, Phinam and Chhevetar as compared to Gurung and Magar. Needless to say, potters were already living along the river due to their traditional occupation of making pottery. A study of Gorkha potters shows that they have been playing the same role for centuries. Instead, power, time, scarcity and oppression show that the land of their population is slipping into the hands of the ruling elites. The names of Kaski, Mustang, Manang, Lamjung and Upper Gurkha are found in the descriptions of Gurungs, but the lower part of Barpak is not found in the descriptions of Gurungs' patriarchy. .

Instead, the Brahmins have been living in Gorkha since before the rise of the Shah dynasty. In a letter written by Aditya Malla to the Taghwai Gumba of Samdo in 1378 BS, it is mentioned that 'Baram chalya bhaspas bhai', meaning 'this vakapatra was sent while Baram was walking'. There are also six surnames in Baram. Ganthi and Changhales are Ghalevanshi Brahmins (Brahmins, Culture of Bhadrakumari-Baram caste, p. 135).

There is Ghalebari in Liglig, where the Magars still live. The houses of Ligligkot appear to have many bases. Indigenous people, scholars, and even older people of other races than the Liglig crocodiles say that they have heard from their ancestors that the Liglig crocodiles are crocodiles (Panktikar's field study).

Bhoj Vikram Budhamgar has written in his book 'Political History of the Magar Caste' based on his conversation with 73-year-old Gehendra Bahadur Ranamagar, former Pradhan Panch of Amapipal VDC, that Liglig was under Mukunda Sen's rule. After his death, when his sons could not run the kingdom, the custom of making a victorious king by running began (p. 94). After Dravya Shah won the Liglig, the Ghales fled. Some reached Changli, Dhading, Dhankuta and Udaipur. Not to mention that Dan Bahadur Ghalemgar of Udaipur Dumre became the District Panchayat Deputy Chairman during the Panchayat period (p. 59).

Liglig was dominated by Magars with the surname 'Ghale'. On the day of the tenth vaccination, it was customary to make the first person to reach the upper coat by running from the lower coat of the liglig the head of the area for that year. Prince Dravya Shah, with the help of his allies, first established his authority in the lower part of Liglig under the pretext that all the Magar youths would participate in the race. From this he had no difficulty in establishing authority over the upper coat of the league (Acharya, Baburam-Nepal's brief account, p. 91).

The fact that the Gurungs left Manang and Lamjung only after a long time below the Atharsayakhola Ambal cannot be omitted. Dillijung Tamu has written in his book The Hidden History of the Tamu Caste: The Tamu Clay (Ghale) of Gorkha district are from Manang 'Fu' village. Until fifty or sixty years ago, when I was begging for Papro (Barpak), Lapro (Laprak), I used to go to Bon Lama in Nar village. In Barpak village, it is customary for the lama of Nar village and the lama of Lamjung Majhagaun to perform arghu (p. 49).

Nechu (Kruju) from Kaski Khilang A family of Lamichhane Gurung went to Simjung in Gorkha and settled there by building a fort. Slightly above Ajirket is the hill of Bhachchek. Simjung Umra Sai Gurung's eldest son settled in Simjung village and lived there as Umra. Mahila's son erected Apunthum on the left side of the Chependi and became its chief (Gurung, Swami Harkadhar of Jagman-Gurung Chola, Annapurna Post, 15 April 2075). Needless to say, the Gurungs of Barpak, Laprak and Saurpani refer to the people of Siranchok, Ghyachchok and Simjung as Nu and Nublya (Western) (Tamu, Old History of Tek Bahadur-Tamu Caste, p. 43).

As a result, the Gurungs spread in the lower part of Gorkha only later became the administrative area, but in doing so, the natives, the Barams and the Magars appear to have descended there. The Magar dominance in the area around Liglig, the names of the rivers around it in the Magar dialect, the names of the places in the Magar language can also be said to be the Rajasthan of Liglig Magar. 

Twitter:@gaunkomanchhey

Magar politicians and the development of Magars

With the election of the Vice President yesterday, the current legislature of Nepal has got it completely.

From the point of view of the Magars, we are well represented. Sequentially the representation of the Magars.

Vice President - Shri Nanda Kishor Pun

Home Minister - Shri Ram Bahadur Thapa 'Badal'

Minister of Energy - Shri Varshaman Pun

Drinking water - Mrs. Bina Magar

Women's Development - Mrs. Thammaya Thapa Magar

It is an honor to have five Magars represented in the 27-member legislature.

Politically, it seems that the 'cloud' has come to power among the Magar leaders in recent times. And again, these would mean that you have to spend for these processes. Of course, he is a powerful leader in Nepali politics today. And it is a matter of great pride for us to have so many good places at the national level now. And we are proud that two esteemed women leaders have succeeded in coming to the national level.

If we look at the other side of politics, 4 out of 5 leaders are from the Maoists. As soon as we say Maoist, we are reminded of the 17000 Nepali martyrs and the principles they carry. One of the many principles of the Maoists is the upliftment and development of all backward classes and tribes.

What I want to say here is that now that we have come from revolution to peace. And now is the time to turn things into action.

One of the slogans of the Chukin Maoists was to give equal representation to all castes at the highest level. Which our caste has achieved, and of course we must give credit to the Maoist movement. If it were not for the Maoist movement, it would not be possible to reach such a high level now.

Now we have to see how loyal he is and how much he can fulfill the dream that he has carried and shown to the general public.

Of course, they have to develop the country, but they must not forget the development of their caste. We Magars always talk about what kind of people the Brahmins say will attract their own people when they reach the top. Now we have to see how far we can take these Magars in the time to come. And we should not forget one thing here, the development of every caste is the development of the country.

Of course the Magar leaders may have done something for our development, but the impact of their work must be seen in the future. And in the time to come we will hear positive things from them and we hope that our Magar society will be able to go even higher with their help and guidance.

#Jaynepal

Influential & Famous Magars of Nepal "November, 2017"

Hi Guys !!!!!

In today's world Magars are not just limited to soldiers but there are number of Magars who already earned names in their respective fields. So, today I am going to discuss here the same and see where we stand today. Before, That I want to be clear that this least represent the current people who are active now, in their field.

So lets start:

We start with Politics:

1. Nand Kishor Pun: In my opinion, currently he is the most influential Magar leader in Nepal. As Vice-President of Nepal, he is just one position below President. Though I am not sure about his future political career, but he has already posted his name in history.

2. Onsari Gharti Magar: As honourable Speaker of house of representative, she is at par with the PM of Nepal. She has already created the history by becoming the first lady Speaker. Also, unlike Nand Kishor Pun, after her tenure as Speaker she can always come back to active politics.

3. Barshaman Pun: As one of the close confident of Prachanda, he is one of the influential leader in Nepal politics.

4. Ram Bahadur Thapa: Once one of the powerful leader of Maoist, has become active after he rejoined Prachanda. But how powerful is he in the party now, is difficult to say because recently I have got a news that in this upcoming Parliament election he failed to get a ticket for himself. But nonetheless as ex-defence minister we can't ignore him so easily.
  
Here, the coincident is that all the leader belong to the same party. Here definitely I would say Maoist movement has given some opportunity to Magars to certain extent.

Social Work:

Mahabir Pun: Needs no introduction. I think among Nepali, right now he has no match in his field.

Entertainment:

1. Teriya Magar: Already made her name into wikipedia. I think that should be enough for her to introduce.

2. Diya Pun: This beautiful & talented actress, with her second movie in pipeline has lot of potential. And one thing I want to mention here is that she represent the young generation of Magars. After Rupa Rana we have lot of expectation from her.

3. Dheeraj Magar: Already a media sensation, this one thing I have been missing. If Dayahang Rai bear the flag of non-aryan people, Dheeraj Magar is the one we Magars have been missing for. We wish a very success in his life.

4. Asha Magarati: Director - Seto Surya defintely in form today with this critically acclaimed movie.

Journalism:

Ujir Magar: Ex-secretary Nepal journalist association. But, nonetheless it shows that he is one of the influential person in his field.

Sports:

1. Bimal Gharti Magar: As footballer he already carved a niche for him. I think if you ask me today he should be the most influential person among Magars. Here again I really want to appreciate both Teriya & Bimal for earning so much fame in such a young age. And I wish him to become a greatest player of all time in Nepal history.

2. Sagar Pun: Though not as famous as Bimal, he still a star in his field of cricket. As opener of Nepali national team, we are happy to see him play for national team.

Guys, thats it from my side. In case, if you think I have left someone who deserve to be in list please write to me in below comment. I hope to update their in next edition. And, also I would be requiring your active feedback to clear my shortcomings.

"Batuk" A Magar Delicacy

A beautiful article on Magar delicacy Batuk

" Magar is one of the indigenous ethnic nationalities of Nepal. They mostly inhabit the districts of Palpa, Gulmi, Arghakhanchi, Syangja, Baglung, Parbat, Myagdi, Tanahun, and Gorkha in the western region, as well as some other districts in the mid-western and eastern regions. A little insight on the Magar tribe: the social process of Sanskritization has drawn some of the Magar population to develop a syncretic form of Hinduism combining with animist and Buddhist rituals. The major castes of Magar are Ale, Thapa, Pun, and Rana, however, there are more than 700 sub-family names. They are well represented in Nepal’s military, as well as in British and Indian Gurkha regiments, along with Gurung, Rai, and other martial ethnic groups from the hills of Nepal. 

Their national festival is Maghe Sankranti, which is celebrated with great enthusiasm by organizing various programs across the country. One of the prominent food items that is passed around by the Magar community on this day, and any other celebratory day, is known as batuk. Commonly known as bara, it is considered to be a traditional food of the Magar people. Batuk is never missed out on any festival or family gathering, and is best served alongside pork and kodo-ko-raksi (local alcohol made from millet). Batuk rotis are shaped like Western doughnuts, but the taste is easily distinguishable. The crunchiness on the outside complements the soft texture inside. Many people grow fond of this dish after just one taste, as it is something that is quite different than the usual daal, bhaat, and tarkari. However, due to the difficulties of getting genuine batuk that actually represents the authentic taste of Magars, most people remain unaware of how mouth-watering the dish actually is. Nevertheless, here are some of the simple and traditional procedures to follow in order to cook this well-known and much-loved dish of the Magars.

Batuk roti is made from black lentils that have been soaked for over twenty-four hours. After removing the outer black layer, the lentils are washed thoroughly with clean water, and then ground to form a very fine paste. Although the recipe could differ from one family to another, the most common ingredients to add are ginger paste and salt. A small amount of the mixture is then laid flat on a smooth surface (my grandmother prefers to recycle the inside of an oil packet) and formed into a small round shape with the help of the palm. A batuk is not a batuk without a distinct hole, hence, using a finger, one is created in the middle. It is fried on a deep frying pan or wok, half filled with vegetable or sunflower oil. It is best to leave it for two-three minutes, until both sides turn golden brown. 

The oil should be hot enough, and the batuk should be fried on medium heat for it to be perfectly cooked. A skewer or slotted spoon can then be used to flip and remove it from the oil. The ingredients and the procedure can vary, however these simple steps are enough to come up with tasty batuks. One does not need to wait for Maghe Sakranti to cook, or eat, batuk. Although it is fried in oil, batuk is not greasy or full of oil, and has a perfect blend of versatile flavors. They are considered to be healthy snacks, full of protein. The traditional Magars eat batuk in taparis (leaf plates), where servings of four-five batuks are enough to satisfy hunger. 

Amongst the many traditional foods that Nepal has to offer, batuk remains one that often goes by unnoticed. With the increasing interest in tasting different flavors of Nepal, batuk could be one to remain permanently on the menu, and may even be a reason to give Magars an approving nod for coming up with something healthy yet satisfying. Let us not wait for another whole year to try these delights! "

SOURCE: http://ecs.com.np/food/batuk-a-magar-delicacy

ORIGIN OF MAGARS OF NEPAL - III (Where did the Magar come from?)

After a gap of 2 years, there is lot of information available on internet and definitely help in more research and have better information. And actually, when I have started to gather more information on Origin of Magars, I have come across many new information and better understanding about us.

Before this I used to believe that Magars belong to Mongolian race, which is true also and same is said by many scholars. But the word Mongolian itself is too broad and nowadays scholars are using more and more specific words to refer. Me too at this point is in better position to look into our origin.

Like I have mentioned in my last article “Origin of Magars – II” I have mentioned Magars would have come to Nepal around 1000 BC, but now I think they may have came to Nepal much earlier. At that time in 2014 I have given the reasons for the same. But this time I went little deeper. According to my study the current people of Tibetan plateau started to migrate around 3000 BC from Northern or Eastern China and to be more specific from basin of Yellow River or Yangtze River. Though, the plateau was already inhabited by the people. Genetic study of the current Tibetan shows that most of the people currently residing there are migrated around 3000 BC.

The more we want to understand ourselves the more close look is required. Though, to know our past is difficult as compared to Aryans, as there is little written material available with us. But now we can still find it with as many advance technologies available and more and more research happening. May be after 2 years we have better understanding if some scholar use all the available resource and technology use to find the fact and do research specifically on Magars.

One of the surprising result I have found during my research is that we belong to Han race of China. As 90% of Chinese people is genetically belongs to Han. You can find more about Han in internet. (Though, we need DNA test to prove the same.) But if we are not also I can say we are very closely related to them, and I am sure the DNA study can prove the same. (Though, for the moment we can wait till someone actually do some further research on it.)

So, at the moment in broad sense I can say that we belong to Han race. Technically, when I say Han here I mean Han race as, Bahuns claim that they belong to Aryans. If you do some research on Han, you will find, Han dynasty which was there in China around 200 BC. Han period was considered as a golden age in Chinese History. To this date, China’s majority ethnic group refers to itself as Han people and Chinese script is referred to as Chinese characters. Further, Han Chinese trace their ancestry from the Huaxia people. Huaxia (means civilized society) refers to a confederations of tribe living along the Huang He or Yellow river in China. Writers during the Han periods derived ancestral lineages from the Huaxia (later known as Xia) based on Shang era legendary materials. From, here I have understood one thing that if we have to understand our roots we need to study Chinese civilization. With the brief Han history, you must have known now that where the Han word have originated from.

Now back to our question. So around 3000 BC - 2000 BC along the Huang He and Yangtze river small civilizations started flourishing. As there was Indus valley civilization 3300 BC – 1700 BC around Indus river. As it’s known that all the ancient civilization was first came up along the basin of rivers. If we go little deeper Aryan themselves came to Ganges plain around 1900 BC. Before they came Indus valley civilization was already destroyed. Though this doesn’t mean that the people also wiped out, people must have survived & they later mixed with Aryans. Aryans must have incorporated few Indus culture in its own.

So, many tribes or civilized societies started coming up along the Huang He and Yangtze rivers of China around 3000 BC. And, must be MAGARS were one of them. Most probably, as scholars also accept that Magars have originated along the basin of Yangtze river. May be at that time with few hundred people or with the people with same clan distinguished themselves as MAGARS. Its just like separation of joint family when its grow too big. As this phenomenon is naturally understood. But, its not sure whether they use to call them Magars at that time or something else, its difficult to say. But I am certain that by that time they were already a different tribe.

And, now how can I be so sure that we came from there. Our culture, our language, our script, our faith, our tradition everything speak for itself. Here, I have come across one more interesting thing to prove the theory. It’s known that our we are originated somewhere near present day Siberia and Mongolia. And there can be two possible routes from there to reach Nepal. In east, through Huang He and Yangtze rivers valley or from west Tibetan plateau. If east is true it will prove my theory. If west is true then we should not be what we are today, because of number of reasons.

First as I have said that, its genetically proved that Tibetans were migrated to current location around 3000 BC. Before that Tibetan plateau was occupied by nomads. Here too there can be two possibilities, before  Tibetan or after Tibetan migrated to the plateau. Before is not the acceptable answer to me because, before Tibetan moved to plateau, people inhabiting there must have been nomads. We should have been probably like Rautes. But contrary to it we have our own rich culture. Trails of our rich history, past and folkfare is the witness of it. So, it is not possible that we have migrated here, when we were still Nomads. I mean we were already a developed society before moving to Nepal or our present place.

Interestingly this theory hold good for Rautes and Tharus too. In my opinion Tharu are the first mongoloid people who moved towards the south or cross the Himalaya and came southward, and settled at foothills of Himalayas. Why, Tharus because definitely like Magars they have also taken the path of Sikkim and move towards west. I can surely say that they are the first people of oriental feature migrated from Himalaya. They must have come there around 3000 BC. Because, the Tharus genes analysis is extensively available on internet, though now it is more toward Aryan but 20% is still match with its oriental ancestors. When I am saying Thaurus I am not talking about Rana Tharus who are descendent of Rajputs. This theory will help in explain in their oriental like physical but their culture and language is more influenced by Aryans.

Similarly, Rautes could have stayed in prefer to stay in forest and hill only. Their hunting and not farming culture also shows that they would have here much before Magars.

So it’s a rare possibility that we would have migrated to Nepal as Nomads and then develop our own culture.(Unless its proven wrong by further scientific research later). Means when Magars started there movement towards south, it was already a developed tribe.

Similarly, Magars would have started moving from Eastern China around 3000 BC only. May be with other Tibeto-Burman speaking tribes, Magars also started moving from there. And may be around 2000 BC – 1500 BC they have settled in present day place. The same has been mentioned by other scholars too. Since, Magars & all other oriental looking tribes languages has common root, it also proves that, they have the same origin.

And also, its scientifically proven that Mongoliad people did cross the great Himalayas to enter Nepal even before the Aryans arrived. (Source: https://raunakms.wordpress.com/2012/05/14/genetic-ancestry-of-nepalis/). This also proves that Magars would have settled in Nepal around 2000 BC – 1500 BC. Because as I have said earlier Aryans started moving towards Ganges plain approximately 1900 BC.

But its sure that all the other Ethnic Mongoloid people who came to Nepal have migrated via Sikkim.

Before wrapping up, I want to discuss as Mentioned by writer Budhamagar, according to our  mythology, Magars evolved from two types of caves, namely Pelma Khar Pu or barely dispersing cave, and Yoma Khar Pu or hornet’s cave and scattered in all four direction. Now when I think about the true meaning of it I think its true. Because, here cave denotes colony or one society. Even the names resembles the ancient Chinese names. But if you ask me I would really love to read the Magar’s mythology and hope will help in ourselves much better. Now here the question is how the Pu title is converted into our present day titles.

Edit !: For sequel (Part IV) of this article please visit "

ORIGIN OF MAGARS OF NEPAL - IV (Where did the Magar came from? / Genetic studies of Magars of Nepal)

https://laanghali.blogspot.com/2019/09/origin-of-magars-of-nepal-iv-magar.html

The more we go deep, the deeper it gets.

Must See - Origin of Indiginious Group of Nepal

Must See - Origin of Indiginious Group of Nepal

Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ECVSSukvwvc

Magars: Used Always - III

This video every Magars should watch & listen too. I like it because its go with my opinion that Magars is and was always used by Bahuns.

Not only that Respected Bam Kumari Dura also telling about our origin.

Source: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eRmOemhojC8

Nepal politics - In context of Madhesi Movement

Hi, I have got stunned after reading this article and the fact that how true it is. Where the actual roots of politics are. If not all but this article published in Himal Khabar by Ramesh Koirala is a fact to very extent.

I got so impressed with the article that I could not resist to publish in by blog.

MUST MUST MUST READ - For All Nepali

मधेश अान्दाेलनः सुषुप्त घुर (translated in English)

By: Ramesh Koirala

The Madhes movement, which has been demanding the end of the movement while thinking of the country, has sometimes become chaotic, indecent and sometimes decent, but now it has shrunk to a point with trust in God. This movement, which is simmering like a burning fire in the courtyards of the Terai with the cold wave, needs only a little straw to shine again.

There is no shortage of people throwing straw and waving their hands in the blazing fire. It has been deliberately forgotten that the support or opposition of the Madhesi movement is not the support or opposition of the entire Madhesi community and unnaturally 'Birgunj' and 'Kathmandu' have been set up.

The violent insurgency of the Maoists and the rise of national and international non-governmental organizations after 2046 BS intensified ethnic polarization in Nepal. Due to the Janajati-Madhesi alliance, Kathmandu was forced to modify the old components of the state.

In order to assimilate the same changes, it is necessary to form a Constituent Assembly and write a progressive constitution, but by boycotting the new constitution, the country's Mid-Tarai, i.e. State-2, is now agitating for rights.

Apart from Madhesis and Pahadis, all parties, civic leaders, tribes and neighbors are directly and indirectly involved in the ongoing Madhesi movement. This article focuses on who is baking what kind of bread in the rap of the movement.

In view of the fact that the interests of the big parties in power are focused on entering Singha Durbar or defending their seats, their discussion may not be justified. Similarly, those who are hiding in the crowd of civic leaders who have come as a 'product' of democracy, without seeing anything but discrimination, continue to wreak havoc here and there. Any further comment on those who do nothing but protest for the sake of protest will be in vain.

Dormant Ghur Without a single weighty and rational demand, the neighbors have been able to bake the bread of their choice in Ghur, which has been burning for four months in Madhes.

Representation of Madhes

Looking at the ethnic identities of Madhesi engineers in print, TV and social media, most of them look like upper castes. There are about one and a half million Madhesi Brahmins, about 40,000 Kayasthas and a few less Rajputs in State-2 with an average population of 5 million, who are aware of the growing ethnic polarization.

Knowing that the old-fashioned proverbs and sayings do not carry today's mentality at all, the proverb used by the Newar community in Kathmandu to say 'they despise us' in the current Madhes movement has been raised against the hill khas.

It is not difficult to understand that the real interest of the 'elite' Madhesis at the top of the movement is in reservation. Their special interest is in the 'clusters' specially provided for in the new constitution.

There were a total of eight clusters in Article 13 of the Interim Constitution, Part-3 (Fundamental Rights) and Article 3 of the Right to Equality, in which only their interests - Madhesi, Dalit, Adivasi Janajati and Backward Classes. Article 18 (sub-article 3) of Part-3 (Fundamental Rights and Duties) of the new constitution has 21 'clusters' in conflict with their interests.

Whether to say 'why more', 'looked bad' or 'discriminated', the distinct identity of the 'Madhesi' cluster in the past will include the Dalit, Adivasi, Adivasi Janajati, Madhesi, Tharu, Minority, Marginalized, Muslim, Backward Classes. The main reason seems to be the decay in hackam.

Dalits, Muslims, Tharus and backward classes must have taken 15 percent reservation and the possibility of shrinking to 7 percent must have been causing unbearable pain to the Madhesi elites who are currently living in 22 percent.

This is the result of the tendency of counting army majors and chief district officers (CDOs) every time, regardless of the fact that the highest percentage of doctors, engineers and others have entered the technical service, leaving Newars behind on the basis of caste.

However, in order to ensure 'proportionality', the inner interest is to reduce the 'cluster'. After the agitation started for this, the Madhesi elite engineers reached Geneva and declared it 'peaceful'.

Apart from the Madhesi 'highs', there are also political factions in the movement. The Rajput-created Sadbhavana Party is engrossed in changing its cloak, while the Brahmin-Kayastha-dominated Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party (TAMLOP) is in the process of building a mass base.

As the Nepali population is not suitable for that, the issue of adopted rights has been raised by considering the marriage of 'Waripari' in every household.

The Federal Socialist Forum, which sees itself as a major player in tomorrow's ethnic polarization, seems to be trying to downplay the Brahmin-Kayastha leadership by saying that the adopted 'agenda' is not its own.

Despite the deep interest of the Indian establishment, the current Madhes movement did not demand a 'Hindu state'. Because those who make this demand lose the base of the largest Muslim community in Madhes. There is a similar contradiction in the question of maximum representation.

Province No. 2, which has a total of 33 seats in the Legislature-Parliament on the basis of population and geography or population as a whole, has surprisingly forgotten about proportional representation. The new constitution provides for the election of 110 proportional members from across the country, but not a single member from any state can be selected from the boycott list.

As this provision is flawed in terms of provincial representation, it may be in the interest of Province 2 to take advantage of the rich 'aspirants' of other provinces to make it compulsory to elect a representative from each province according to the proportional votes received in each province. Have not made demands.

Disputed over population and geography, they are surprisingly silent on the provision that not a single one of the 22 seats will be up for proportional representation.

Tribal alliance

With the sudden unification of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Nepal and the Federal Socialist Party, it was said that the party would now be a national party, but within a few months, Ashok Rai's face was no longer visible.

Who was this unnatural alliance for? Are the demands of Madhes related to Janajati? What is the benefit to the Janajatis in raising Madhes movement? In accordance with the Madhesi demand that constituencies should be determined on the basis of total population, the total population divided by 165 will be considered as the required population of a constituency.

Accordingly, 18 hilly and mountainous districts will not get direct representation. It is conceivable that in the last Constituent Assembly election, 37 percent of the representatives elected from those 18 districts are from the Janajati community.

In the first three candidates to get maximum votes in that election, 51.5 percent are Janajatis. Janajatis were elected from four of the seven districts with a population of less than one lakh. It is not easy to understand that the hill tribes deliberately do not have their own representation on the basis of 'full population' and support the Madhes movement.

This Madhes movement is also against the rights of the tribals in the Terai. Why aren't there more Tharus, Rajbanshis or Satars in the Terai than Jha, Mishra or Yadavs in the political-administrative structure of Kathmandu?

After the constitution created a separate 'cluster' and stopped the 'Madhesi' movement in their reservation, it seems that these tribes are not interested in this movement. However, a few days ago, news came that the former Limbuwan engineers supported the Madhes movement.

Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari are in demand for Limbuwan. Those districts are also in the 'bottom line' of the Madhes movement. How can there be two different streams of domination in the same area without deception or secret transactions?

Federalism is accepted for the proportional development of every sector of the country. If there are one or two states in the entire densely populated Terai, more than half of the representatives will come to the Central House from those states. There is no doubt that development will be fully focused in the states with high representation.

In that case, the tribal-dominated states will again be discriminated against. Therefore, all the states have been given equal representation so that the composition of the Rajya Sabha does not change.

Local hill

Photos of the procession taken by the hill communities of State-2 in support of the Madhes movement keep coming in print. One has to look at Rolpa before and after the armed conflict to understand why the Madhesi community came to support the 'movement to stop donations from the hills for the benefit of the Madhesi community'.

In the second Constituent Assembly election in Rolpa, where no one thought that there were any non-Maoists during the conflict, the Maoists got only 25,000 votes out of an average of 60,000. Wherever you live, there must be a rule of law to say that what the majority has done is wrong.

Today, everyone knows who is ruling in Madhes. In the proposed state-2, the population of Pahadia is about 12 percent. Even if there is any alliance with the Tharus, their number does not exceed 18 percent.

If the border of this state reaches to Jhapa, then everyone knows that the hill population exceeds one-fourth of the state. The hill communities of State-2 may have taken the issue of demarcation as an issue to relieve the suffering of the 'minorities' in supporting the Madhes movement on the issue of demarcation as the power of 45 percent of the population is likely to upset the politics of the entire state.

Two neighbors

China, which has become the world's largest economy, has three major interests in Nepal: "No Indian interference in Nepal's northern border, let Nepal adhere to the 'One China' policy and expand its market in Nepal.

For this, he has no interest in Nepal's constitution or federalism. However, he is concerned that his interests will not be shaken in the current fluid situation in Nepal. It is because of this concern that his activism I like it.

India, which has invested billions in Nepal's mainstream political parties and bureaucracy over the years, does not need to be swayed by the Bagrelti Madhesi parties, which are showing signs of weakening due to ethnic polarization. Moreover, there is no possibility of a reduction in the number of advocates for his interests in Kathmandu.

Yes, he does not want to see anyone standing against his own interests and for the time being he is showing the Madhesis a sigh of relief. This is evident from the efforts being made to 'reasonably' manage the growing 'common man' political trend among Nepali urban youth.

India is trying its best to make the dream of becoming a 'super power' of the world a reality. During the Cold War, he also saw China as a rising power ahead of the United States and the Soviet Union. He also formed a third alliance, the Organization of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), advancing the principle of Panchsheel in the Soviet Union to prevent American domination of underdeveloped nations.

In the long run, he abandoned the practice, saying that his own sphere of influence would not expand even if such "hungry" groups stopped dominating others, and took a second path from the Nehru-era policy during the reign of his daughter Indira Gandhi - neighbors first.

Under this policy, India has increased its dominance in neighboring countries. Not to mention Bhutan, even in the Maldives, he is able to send troops, form a government, overthrow, imprison the unwilling, whatever. The 'enemy' has not stopped trying to do what it wants even in Pakistan.

He described the then president of Sri Lanka, Mahinda Rajapaksa, as approaching Beijing and allowing a Chinese warship to enter a Sri Lankan port. In the immediate aftermath of the election, not only did all the opposition parties form an alliance against the Rajapaksa's United People's Freedom Alliance, but also the friendly Sirisena of the Rajapaksa's cabinet.

Sirisena's abandonment of the party after eating vegetables and sweet bread at night surprised Rajapaksa as much as the departure of Mahanta Thakur made Girija Prasad Koirala. Surprisingly, the United National Front for Good Governance, a coalition of Tamils ​​and Muslims from right-wing Sinhalese, nominated Sirisena, who had been defense minister in the last two weeks of the Tamil war in the Rajapaksa government, as its presidential candidate.

Rajapaksa was defeated by the same Sirisena and was punished for making fun of India. In Bangladesh, meanwhile, Sheikh Hasina's Awami League is running for a second term in a nearly one-party election made possible by India's support.

In this way, India is not going to touch Muslim-majority Bangladesh. Nepal seems to be on its knees to India, which is also expanding its dominance towards Burma and Afghanistan.

Indian investment

In today's geopolitical environment, India does not want electricity, water, Terai, Chure and Himal from Nepal. Growing up in a colonial feudal culture, India is well aware that its neighbor will bow down as long as it is impoverished.

India wants to keep this 'adbange' neighbor in its 'grip' in the same way. He has adopted two measures in this regard: First, not to allow the implementation of projects that can strengthen Nepal.

For that, he sometimes uses the extra-nationalism within Nepal and sometimes his grip on the World Bank. Like East Asia's 'Look East' policy, Nepal has not been able to make economic progress by expanding relations with the 'Look North' policy, not because of the inability to take electricity to the North, but because of Indian investment in our government machinery.

India has resorted to a second way to exploit Nepal's instability, which, as suspected, is not its goal. Fragmentation may give India a small geography, but it will not make the mistake of introducing the 'dragon' movement into a larger geography. This is confirmed by the fact that he has not given air to separatist thinking till now.

All he needs in Nepal is political instability. For that, sometimes the king, sometimes the parties, sometimes the extreme leftists, sometimes the extreme rightists, sometimes the racists and sometimes the regionalists keep on pushing and shoving. It is a matter of regret for us and a matter of pride for India - he is still succeeding on both fronts.

When we arrived to suspect that Nepal was not a laboratory in Delhi, he was running a 'factory' here with Makkha and extracting 'goods' to suit himself. The behavior is giving a hint - the new 'goods' that have come in the market nowadays are also the product of this factory, and yes our 'status' today.

This pus doesn't seem to be the same. In the midst of the severe cold wave, various kinds of bread will be baked in Madhesi Ghur. The difference will be that some of the bread will be fully baked while most of it will be half-baked and raw. Harmony: Don't shake anyone's hand. "can be felt to have increased. And, with years of Indian investment, China, unable to reassure the Nepalese government that it has become pro-Delhi, wants to create a status quo like India under the mountains.

But unfortunately, the mountain is very high and steep. Decades have passed since Beijing sought a reliable friend in Kathmandu. He sometimes approaches some left-wing party to see if it will be okay, sometimes he turns to the other side, but he is not finding the desired 'virgin' party.

Today, his status in Nepal is like that of a customer who is forced to choose a golbhenda in the ras chosen by the South. What does southern neighbor India want in Nepal - water, youth, bread or daughter? No matter how much it has always claimed to be an independent nation, the fact that Nepal has lived in Khatanpatna in the south since the time of the British is no longer indigestible.

From the election of the king's private secretary in 2007 to the presence of the Indian ambassador in the Council of Ministers, our status has been understood. In Delhi, there are many 'issues' that need to be 'interfered' in Nepal's daily operations.

In that case, we need people to take care of our own interests, in Kathmandu. That is why India wants the 'structural guarantee', some experts say. This is the reason why India is said to have participated in the Madhes movement from the very beginning, but when you think a little deeper, it is argued that India considers Madhes as its own and is trying to make a 'structural guarantee' through Madhesi leaders. 

Source:  http://www.himalkhabar.com/118728